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OF THE FIVE WOUNDS

OF THE HOLY CHURCH

IT/32/

Cije Jfibe OTounte of
tjje

BY

(ANTONIO ROSMINI)

LIBRARY ST. MARY'S COLLEGE

EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

H. P. LIDDON, D.D.

CANON RESIDENTIARY OF ST. PAUL'S

115444

RIVINGTONS
WATERLOO PLACE, LONDON

MDCCCT,XXXIII

TO THE HONOURED NAME
OP

ALEXANDEE PENEOSE FOEBES,

LATE LOKD BISHOP OP BRECHIN,

THIS

ENGLISH EDITION OF THE " ClNQUE PlAGHE,"

PUBLISHED, AFTER A LAPSE OF YEARS,

IN OBEDIENCE TO HIS WISHES,

IS

REVERENTLY AND AFFECTIONATELY
DEDICATED.

PREFACE.

THE author of the subjoined treatise, Antonio
RosminJ-Serbati, was born at Rovereto in the
Italian Tyrol, on Lady Day, 1797. His father
and mother were both people of good family, and
considerable fortime. Antonio was the second of
their four children : his elder sister became a nun,
and his youngest brother died in infancy. His
parents were educated and devout members of the
Church ; and the atmosphere of his home must
have fostered the intellectual and devotional
tendencies which made him what he became in
later years. The boy studied first at the gym-
nasium of Rovereto, and then for two years at
home, under a tutor, P. Orsi, whose instructions
in philosophy had a considerable although ap-
parently an indirect and unintended influence on
his later life. When eighteen or nineteen years
of age, he determined to take Holy Orders. His

viii Editor s Preface.

parents at first met this resolution on the part
of their eldest son with a determined opposition.
But his love for God and for his fellow-men
seemed to impel him to the one calling in life
which afforded the highest opportunities for its
practical exercise ; and in 1817, at the age of
twenty, he began his theological studies at Padua.
His father died in 1820, leaving him the bulk
of his property ; he was ordained priest in 1821,
and then, after a short visit to Eome, he settled
down at his old home in Rovereto.

Rosmini's boyhood happened on a time when
Italy was yet reeling under the effects of the First
French Revolution ; when old institutions had
largely crumbled before the irruption of the
armies of the Directory, and old beliefs were still
more rudely assailed or undermined by the inva-
sion of infidel thought. Eosmini's mind fully
opened just as the religious reaction was making
itself felt ; and he shared the aspirations of the
best young men of that day in desiring to do
something towards restoring Religion to its true
place in human life. After his ordination, he
spent six years in his ancestral home, laying out
his time between severe study, and prayer, and

Editor's Preface. ix

exercising his ministry among the poor of the
surrounding villages. During these years, he
worked hard at philosophy, mainly with a view
to its bearing on Christian Apologetics ; but he
also conceived and shaped the idea of a religious
institute, which should promote holiness and
learning among the members and teachers of the
Church. At first it was to be lay ; then lay and
clerical. In 1826 he removed to Milan, where he
began to publish ; while, under the influence of
Loewenbruck, he set himself to the task of organ-
izing his projected order. Thence, in February,
1828, he retired to Domodossola, the pretty Pied-
montese town, which the traveller remembers at
the Italian foot of the Simplon Pass. Here in the
cold winter months he took up his abode in a
ruined house on the top of the adjacent Calvary,
where he led a life of great austerity ; abstaining
from animal food, often from food altogether,
sleeping on leaves or on the dry ground, and
devoting his energies to reading, thinking, and
writing. Here he wrote a large part of his Nuovo
Saggio sull Origine delle Idee, and constructed
the Eule of his Institute. But his health soon
broke down under the strain and exposure ; and

Editor s Preface.

after a visit to his home at Rovereto, he made his
way to Rome, where he remained from November,
1828, until March, 1830, in order to secure the
encouragement and sanction of Pius VIII. for his
new Institute, and to publish his New Essay, to
the great satisfaction of the educated part of the
religious public.

In May, 1830, he returned to Domodossola,
and, although with weakened health, he betook
himself to his life of privation and solitude on the
Calvary. The welcome monotony of this was,
however, broken in upon by an invitation to found
a house of his order at Trent ; and between 1830
and 1834, he spent his time between that city and
Domodossola, in efforts to weld his Institute into
coherence and shape, and to promote sanctification
and learning among its members. It was during
this period of his life in L832, that he composed
the Five Wounds of the Holy Church. The
anxieties which had led him to attempt the
formation of a new Institute and to discover a
philosophical basis, or setting, for Divine Reve-
lation, took, as a third and highly practical form,
the production of this treatise, designed to point
ut what Rosmini conceived to be the five chief

Editor's Preface. xi

mischiefs which beset the Church of his day and
country. These evils her highest authorities were
thus implored to consider and remedy. To the
same date belong1 his Principles of Moral Science,
and part of his unpublished work on Supernatural
Anthropology.

In 1834 he undertook for a year the partial
charge of St. Mark's in Rovereto : but he resigned
it in 1835. He had undertaken it with reluctance,
and he returned with pleasure to the undisturbed
care of his Institute. But his popularity at
Rovereto was viewed with displeasure by the
Austrian Government, which saw in him at
once an Ultramontane ecclesiastic and an Italian
patriot. Austrian influences led to his resignation
of his cure ; and Austrian prejudice followed him
on his resuming his earlier occupations. He was
forbidden to connect his house at Trent in the
Austrian territory, with the " foreign " house at
Domodossola ; and at last the house at Trent had
to be broken up. In order to escape from these
perplexities, Rosmini, in 1837, fixed his home at
Stresa, on the Lago Maggiore ; and thus he
entered upon the most productive period of his
career. In 1839, Pope Gregory XVI. formally

xii Editor s Preface.

approved of his Institute ; and it rapidly attained
to considerable importance. From this period
until 1846, were the most tranquil years of
Rosmini's life ; the only disturbing incident was
a controversy with Grioberti, who attacked Ros-
mini's philosophy with vehemence. Rosmini used
the opportunity to show that in thought and
speculation, no less than in his practical efforts, he
had kept in view the interests of the Christian
Religion and Church ; and Gioberti, in after years,
admitted that he had been mistaken in the motives
of his hostility.

With 1846, a new period in Rosmini's life
began. In that year Pius IX. became Pope ; and
the first years of his reign led Italy and the world
to believe that a brighter era had commenced both
for the Papacy and for Italy. It seemed, for a
moment, as if some of the hopes of Rosmini's life
were about to be realized, by the union of all
Italians in a confederacy of States under the pre-
sidency of the Pope. But this result could not be
practically realized without a preliminary struggle
with Austria. And Pius IX. was a pastor first
and afterwards a politician. In an Allocution
of April 29, 1848, he announced publicly that,

Editor s Preface. xiii

as the common father of the flock of Christ, he
could not take part in a war against Austria.
Rosmini could not but submit ; but he still hoped
to gain his end, by some confederation of States, of
which the Pope would be ex-officio president, while
the direction of affairs would rest with the federal
congress. Meanwhile the Pope became more and
more inclined to separate himself from the political
aspirations of the Italian people, while the Romans
were asking for a constitution and for some kind
of self-government. Rosmini published, in 1848,
his Constitution according to Social Justice, in the
hope of giving a religious turn to the popular
movement, and of retaining their due share of
power for the clergy and the upper classes under
liberalized institutions. This work had no prac-
tical results. In 1846, he had given to the world
the Five Wounds, which had been written in
1832.1 He thought that with the accession of
Pius IX. new opportunities were opening before
the Church of Italy : but that, in order to take
advantage of them, she must reform herself in

1 The title of the book is, "Delle Cinque Piaghe della Santa
Chiesa, trattato dedicate al clero cattolico, con appendice di alcune
lettere sulla elezione de vescovi a clero e popolo di Antonio Rosmini.
Bastia, 1849."

xiv Editor s Preface.

accordance with Primitive rules, and must study
the conditions under which the spiritual society
founded by our Lord can best influence the
modern world.

The most important episode in Rosmini's life
was the embassy to Rome, with which he was
charged by the Piedmontese Government. The
object of the Government in sending him was to
secure the countenance and aid of the Pope, while
carrying on its war against Austria. Rosmini
accepted the mission, but, at first, owing to some
misunderstanding, with a mistaken conception of
the work in hand. The Government wanted at
the time an armed alliance with Rome and the
other Italian States, against Austria; while Rosmini
was dreaming of a permanent confederacy of States
under the Pope as president. For a moment,
indeed, the Government, under the influence of
Gioberti, seemed to accept the programme of Ros-
mini, who accordingly started on this mission.
He was received at Rome with great consideration,
and even promised a Cardinal's hat. But the pros-
pect soon changed. No instructions, such as had
been promised, reached Rosmini from Turin for
some weeks ; and when they came, he was ordered

Editor s Preface. xv

to abandon his favourite scheme, and to advocate
an armed alliance. Deserted by his own Govern-
ment, and opposed by the Papal minister Rossi,
Rosmini resigned his mission ; which had, however,
strengthened the Pope in his resolve to take no
part in the war against Austria or in the general
(\ policy which found favour at Turin. This deter-
' mination of the Pope probably precipitated a poli-
tical crisis. Rossi was brutally assassinated. An
effort was made to compel the Pope to appoint a
liberal ministry. Rosmini, whose real mind was
imperfectly understood, was marked out by the
popular voice as its representative, and the Pope
conferred on him the presidency of the new cabinet,
with the department of Public Instruction. Ros-
mini declined : he would not accept a post which
had been offered to him by the Pope under pres-
sure ; and he may well have doubted his capacity
for grappling with the sterner duties of political life.
Events, however, were moving fast. In a few
days the Pope was a fugitive from his capital ; and
Rosmini followed him to Gaeta. But the oppor-
tunity for distinguished public service had passed.
Those about the Pope had no difficulty in per-
suading him that his misfortunes were traceable to

b

xvi Editor s Preface.

his encouragement of schemes with which Ros-
mini's name was identified. Rosmini left G-aeta,
and devoted himself to his religious publications at
Naples. His enemies, both at the Papal court and
at Naples, were bent upon his ruin. Rosmini was
a Consulter of the Congregation of the Index ; but
not until three months had passed was he informed
of the meeting of the Congregation in which his
two books on the Constitution according to Social
Justice and the Five Wounds of the Church were
prohibited. He had entered Rome to receive the
promise of a place in the Sacred College ; he left
central Italy for his northern home in utter dis-
credit. The last seven years of his life were spent
at Stresa, in developing his Institute of Charily,
and in completing his philosophical publications.
A final effort was made to accomplish his ruin :
and it was hoped that his other works might be
condemned as easily as those on the Constitution
and the Five Wounds. But the Pope insisted on
his having fair play, and all Rosmini's publica-
tions were submitted to the Congregation of the
Index. Instead of meeting hurriedly with a prac-
tically foregone conclusion, the Congregation now
extended its labours over nearly four years ; and in

Editor s Preface. xvii

1854, it declared that all the works of Eosmini
were free from censure. Rosmini only lived a year
after this triumphant acquittal ; he died in the
peace of Christ on July 1, 1855.

Eosmini's philosophy has been recently recom-
mended to the English public by an able writer,1 and
his Institute is well represented among the Eoman
Catholics of this country. That his book on the
Five Wounds of the Church should not have been
translated into English is to be accounted for, partly
by the excessive redundancy of even good Italian
prose which unfits it for an idiomatic English render-
ing, but still more from the impression that the
characteristic ideas which it represents were likely
to be transient, and were not calculated to affect the
future of the Church in Italy. However, the late
Bishop of Brechin, Dr. Forbes, was anxious for a
translation of the work into English. It would
" show English Churchmen what, speaking from per-
sonal knowledge " some ten years ago, " he believed
some of the best Italian minds to be still think-
ing ; " and it was " by no means without bearings,
although indirect," upon our own circumstances.

1 " The Philosophical System of Antonio Kosmini-Serbati," by
Thomas Davidson. London, Kegan Paul, 1882.

xviii Editor's Preface.

The title of the book is more mystical than its
contents would lead us to expect ; and may require
a word of explanation for at least some English
readers. It was probably suggested to the writer
by his sojourn on the hill of the Calvary near
Domodossola. It presupposes an analogy which
naturally results from the well-known language of
St. Paul,1 between our Lord's natural Body, cruci-
fied through weakness, and His Mystical Body,
the Church, pierced by the sins and errors of
men in the ages of Christian history. The five
main evils of the contemporary Italian Church
correspond, in Eosmini's view, to the Five Wounds
of the Hands, Feet, and Side of the Divine
Redeemer. These Wounds, according to Rosmini,
are a legacy of feudalism. Beginning with the
Wound in the Left Hand of the Crucified, he sees
in it the lack of sympathy between the clergy and
people in the act of Public Worship, which is
due, not merely to the use of a dead language in
the Church Services, but to the want of adequate
Christian teaching. This is to be accounted for
by the Wound in the Right Hand, — the insufficient
education of the clergy : and this again was both

1 1 Cor. xii. 12, 27 ; Eph. i. 23 ; Col. i. 24.

Editors Preface. xix

caused and perpetuated by the great Wound in the
Side, which pierced the Heart of the Divine Suf<
ferer, and which consisted in the divisions among
the Bishops, separating them from one another, and
also from their clergy and people, in forgetfulness
of their true union in the Body of Christ. Such
divisions were to be referred to the nomination of
the Bishops by the Civil Power, which often had
the effect of making them worldly schemers and
politicians, more or less intent on selfish interests.
It formed the Wound of the Eight Foot. But
the claim to nominate was itself traceable to the
feudal period, when the freehold tenures of the
Church were treated as fiefs by an over-lord, or
suzerain, who saw in the chief pastors of the flock
of Christ only a particular variety of vassals or
dependants. In the modern results of this esti-
mate Eos mini notes the Wound of the Left Foot.

It is unnecessary to point out why this half-
religious, half-political study would not have been
allowed to pass unchallenged. Its plain speaking
on the subject of public worship in Italy, could
only be welcome to those — a minority in all com-
munions— who care more for real improvement,
and for that preliminary recognition of short-

xx Editor s Preface.

comings which promotes it, than for any lower
or selfish objects which are often to be secured
by a policy of quieta non movere. It was easy to
suggest that to criticize the education of the clergy
was to be disrespectful to their order, and that
to hint at disunion in the Episcopate was disloyal
to the Church. Then the Civil Power had its
own quarrel with an author, who could refer
ecclesiastical shortcomings to the State's exercise
of rights which did not originally belong to it.
The persecution to which Rosmini was exposed at
Naples was at any rate in part traceable to the
resentment of the still existing Bourbon Govern-
ment at his language on the subject of nomina-
tions to the Episcopate by the Civil Power ; and
his theory of the feudal origin of rights secured
by Concordats which modern Liberalism in France
or elsewhere knows so well how to use against
the Church, was not calculated to procure accept-
ance for his views in very different quarters.

Not that an English Churchman will find in
Eosmini an author whom he can accompany
without hesitation. Rosmini is an unfaltering
believer in the Papal Supremacy ; with him
the Pope rules, not only in the sphere of outer

Editors Preface. xxi

conduct and discipline, but in the court of con-
science and in the processes of secret thought.
It is not merely that he received great kindness
from successive Pontiffs, from Pius VIII., from
Gregory XVI., and at the beginning, and still
more particularly at the close of their intercourse,
from Pius IX. ; it is that he is, from first to last, a
conscientious Ultramontane, who seriously holds
the Papal Government to be an integral, or rather
the most important portion of the Divine Organi-
zation of the Church. The passages in which this
conviction is stated or implied are of course left
in their integrity, but the conviction governs the
general mind of the writer and, as we must think,
distorts his view of Christian history. Thus he
can only account for the separation of the Eastern
and Western Churches by the increasing temporal
grandeur of the See of Constantinople. He does
not stop to reflect that the Roman Chair gained or
suffered in the same way but on a larger scale, and
that the Eastern Church was really alienated by
Western pretensions which were unknown to the
first ages of the faith. Indeed, while he urges
that the temporal grandeur which gathered round
the Bishops of the Middle Ages was a source of

xx ii Editor s Preface.

weakness to the Church, by introducing motives
for conflicting action among her pastors, he never
applies this principle to Rome ; he has not a word
of criticism for such a Pontificate as that of Julius
II. ; nay, he sees a providential purpose in the
temporal power of the Papacy which is apparently
undiscoverable in the worldly aggrandisement of
other sees. In like manner, he has not a suspicion
that the position of Gregory VII. and of Pascal II.,
when nobly struggling with the Empire, rested on
a radically insecure basis ; it does not occur to him
that the fabric of the Papal claims was largely
indebted for its existence to the false Decretals.
The deposing power, he admits, was novel, at
least in its exercise by Gregory, but then it had,
he thinks, always been latent in the idea or con-
stitution of the Papacy, and was only produced
when it was needed to chastise the misconduct of
a Christian sovereign. He seems for a moment to
be on the point of condemning Leo X. for conced-
ing to Francis I., in the Concordat of Bologna, the
very right of nomination to Bishoprics against
which earlier Pontiffs had struggled so earnestly ;
but he finds an excuse for the Pope in the hard
necessities of the times. Again, he has no eye

Editor s Preface. xxiii

either for the causes or the effects of the Reforma-
tion. Some of his references to the world liness and
cowardice of certain English Bishops in the Tudor
period may be accurate. But so vast a system as
that of the mediseval Church would never have
been shattered as it was in the sixteenth century
unless there had been deep-seated and widespread
corruption both in belief and practice, and a cor-
responding alienation of the higher conscience of
the people from the hierarchy. The Papal
jurisdiction was theologically and historically
vulnerable ; but it might have lasted on in Eng-
land if it had not been long associated with
memories of ambition and avarice which English-
men could not forget. Looking at the whole
subject from beyond the Alps, and by the light of
the traditional teaching of the Roman Church on
the subject, Rosmini sees no difference between the
English Church, still preserving the means of full
communion with our Lord Jesus Christ, through
an apostolical ministry and real sacraments, and
those other bodies which have issued from the
Reformation with the loss of both, and, as we see
to our sorrow, day by day, with the prospect of
gradual forfeiture of those portions of the Christian

xxiv Editor's Preface.

faith, which they had at first been enabled to
preserve. For Eosmini, all who are not in com-
munion with the Eoman See, are equally cut off
from Christ. His language about Grallicanism is
especially significant. Looking only or chiefly at
its bearing upon the question of nominations to the
Episcopate, and ignoring all in Christian antiquity
to which writers like Bossuet could appeal in its
behalf, Rosmini even makes it largely responsible
for the misfortunes of the Church of France at the
date of the Revolution. As if no Ultramontane
clergy had ever been closely associated with a
corrupt or despotic court ! As if Pius VII., great
as were his virtues and his misfortunes, did not
sanction concessions, which, had they been only
the work of statesmen, or of a national clergy,
would have been condemned with an unsparing
severity !

Rosmini, then, is an Ultramontane. His mental
attitude towards the Papacy was part of his
earliest religious creed, and he never had occasion
to examine the grounds on which it rested. But
is he therefore a writer from whom English
Churchmen have nothing to learn ? The present
treatise, it is hoped, will answer that question ; it

Editor s Preface. xxv

is instructive and suggestive in more ways than
one. If we set aside what we must deem the
exaggerated phraseology, the mistaken historical
and moral estimates which belong to its Ultra-
inontanism, we shall find ourselves in communion
with a sincere and beautiful mind, which those
who come after us will not improbably deem one
of God's greatest gifts to Western Christendom in
the present century. It would indeed be interest-
ing to follow him in his speculations on the nature
of ideas, and their mode of existence ; but, although
it is as a mental philosopher, to whom Locke,
Berkeley, Reid, Kant, and Fichte are familiar
friends, that he is best known to Europe, we must
confine ourselves to the little treatise in which he
probably expresses his deepest thoughts respecting
the condition and dangers of the Church of Christ
in his native land. And surely one lesson
which may be learned from our author is that
a keen sense of evils besetting that portion of our
Lord's kingdom in which a man's lot is cast is
quite compatible with a loyal temper, and with
the patience and hopefulness which belong to it.
Rosrnini is deeply sensible that the Church of
Christ in Southern Europe might do more than

xx vi Editor s Preface.

she does for the moral and spiritual well-being of
man. He is no merely academical disputant ; he
feels himself face to face with real evils, and he
suggests, at least, some very practical remedies.
It may be true that in the Churches of the Eoman
obedience there are other and even graver mis-
chiefs to which no reference is made in this treatise
on the Five Wounds. But the points on which
Rosmini touches are sufficiently delicate. He
longs for an intelligent union of the clergy and
people in public worship, for a well-trained clergy,
for an Episcopate united in heart and soul, for a
restoration of the primitive method of electing
Bishops, for the emancipation of Church property
from the trammels of feudal tenure. In his lan-
guage on the subject of nominations to the Epis-
copate by civil governments, he traverses, however
cautiously and respectfully, Papal decisions as
embodied in concordats. But it never occurs to
him that such language is disloyal. Indeed, after
keeping his essay in his desk for fourteen years, he
only gives it to the world on the accession of a
Pope who will, as he hopes and believes, more or
less sympathize with its plea.

The "wound" which Rosmini feels most deeply,

Editor s Preface. xxvii

and on which he insists at the greatest length,
still exists, if indeed it has not widened. In
England and the United States the Roman Church
appoints its Bishops, without intervention on the
part of the State, although not, as Eosmini would
allow, in the primitive way of election by clergy
and people. But generally the Civil Governments
cling to what they regard as a right secured by
Concordats, while, from a religious point of view,
they have become less and less fit to exercise it.
If the nomination of the French Bishops by the
most Christian king was indeed open to such
serious objection, what is to be said of their nomi-
nation by the representative men of the Third
Republic ? 1 Yet is it likely that the French
Government will surrender this means of control-
ling the Church, so long as the Church retains a
sou of the pittance which was left her at the Revo-
lution in exchange for her old endowments ?

But, perhaps, the most useful way of studying
this treatise will be to consider, not so much its
direct bearing on certain portions of the system of
the Church of Rome, as whether it does or does

1 Of. the striking passage in D'Haussonville, " L'Eglise Romaine
et le Premier Empire," torn. ii. pp. 216, 217.

xxviii Editor s Preface.

not suggest anything analogous in the Church of
England. We have outlived that old conception
of loyalty to the English Church — the foe of
the humility which precedes improvement — which
held it treason to confess shortcomings at home
or to admit excellence abroad : the danger rather
is that in our reaction against this unthinking
optimism we should become forgetful of the
great blessings which Grod has given us.

So far as the English Church is concerned, the
Eeformation has done much to heal the Wound of
the Left Hand ; and, as in the first days of the
Faith, our public worship is conducted, and our
sacraments administered, in "a tongue under-
standed of the people." But is this Wound so
entirely stanched, that the poor and uninstructed
among us bring their hearts and. understandings
fully to the work of joining in public worship ?

Again, are our clergy so educated in the mys-
teries of the Kingdom of Heaven — as distinct from
the little packet of earthly knowledge which, in our
well-nigh secularized universities, is considered
necessary for the future squire or lawyer — as to be
able wisely to guide the steps of the living heaven-
ward, and to administer true comfort in the hour

Editor s Preface. xxix

of death ? And if the universities are failing us,
is the effort to establish, and raise the standard of
theological colleges sufficiently general and hearty
to secure to the Church of England a highly-
educated and devoted clergy in the troublous
days which are probably before us ?

Once more, may we not ask whether our Bishops
are so entirely at harmony with each other, and so
united in heart and will with the clergy and the
faithful of their dioceses, as to enable us to say
that there is nothing in the Church of England
which corresponds to the Wound in the Side of
the Church in Italy ? That they are nominated
to their sees by the Minister of the day is noto-
rious, and, where no capitular body exists, without
any check, however shadowy, on the part of the
Church. Are they always selected with a view
to the spiritual interests of the body over which
they are to preside, and without any reference to
political sympathies, or to personal bias ?

We may indeed gratefully recognize the fact
that, in some well-known instances, appointments
have of late years been made to the English Epis-
copate, at variance with the political interests of
the minister who has recommended them, and

xxx Editor s Preface.

solely with a view to what was believed to be the
highest good of the Church of Christ. So far
Eosmini's anticipations and arguments on the
subject are contradicted by our happier experience ;
but this conscientious use of Crown patronage is
of comparatively recent growth in English history,
and it, may be rash to assume that the days of Sir
Robert Walpole or of some later Ministers will
never return.

At the same time, it may be doubted whether,
as a Church, we are as yet in a condition to
make good use of this privilege if it should be
restored to us. Certainly so long as the mischiev-
ous fiction is maintained, that every Englishman
is, as such, a member of the Church of England,
an election by popular vote to the Episcopate
would be probably as disastrous in itself and in its
results, as is that of an incumbent in those few
parishes where every ratepayer has a vote in the
election. And even if the electors were to be
only Churchmen and communicants, would much
be gained by transferring to them the election of
their Bishops until they are instructed sufficiently
to realize what their Creed really means, and what
are the awful privileges and risks of membership

Editor s Preface. xxxi

in the Holy Body ? Can the disestablished Church
of Ireland be said to have done so much for its
Episcopate by its recent elections, as did the Crown
in the years preceding the Disestablishment ? And
are there no English dioceses in which it may be
conjectured, that as yet nothing better would come
of an election by clergy and people than in an
average diocese in Ireland ? Rosmini would have
the Bishops elected, as in primitive days, by a
Church of serious believers, animated by a warm
desire to advance Christ's KiDgdom and Glory,
and duly instructed in the distinctive principles
of their Creed.

Rosmini's opposition to feudalism is probably
exaggerated, and if the representatives of religion
are to urge her claims in the great council of the
nation, they may as well do so in the capacity of
feudal barons as in that of the elected delegates
of mixed popular constituencies. But is it certain
that while sitting among the nobles of the land, the
pastors of the Church will always preserve a keen
unworldly temper, which is alive to the dangers of
a great social position, and fearless in its advocacy
of the cause and Kingdom of Jesus Christ ?

And must not we of the Church of England feel

xxxii Editors Preface.

the justice of our author's remarks respecting the
idea of Church property, changed from that of a
common fund held in trust for the support of the
clergy and the relief of the poor, to that of a number
of separate estates absolutely appropriated by the
holders of single benefices ? If the last chapter of
the book is open to some obvious objections, at any
rate it supplies matter for very serious reflection.

It remains to say that the translation is due to
an accomplished friend, who has not thought it
necessary or desirable to follow the idiom or even
the words of the original very closely. Metaphors
and epithets are omitted, and sentences and para-
graphs are condensed, where the true sense of the
Italian has seemed to permit, or the spirit of
English prose to require, such liberties. Whether
they should be taken or not in any circum-
stances is, in the Editor's opinion, an open ques-
tion ; but at least there is no room for misunder-
standing, if the character of a translation is thus
notified to the reader. In comparing it with the
original the Editor has been assisted by one of our
best Italian scholars, and he hopes that Eosmini's
sense is fairly represented ; certainly it is in no
case intentionally obscured. Quotations from the

Editor s Preface. xxxiii

Bible, and in some cases even from Greek councils
and writers, have been left in their Latin dress, as
characteristic of the author. The editions of the
work which have been used are those printed at
Bastia in 1849, and at Lugano in 1863 ; and it is
of course possible that these may contain errors
which the author's MSS. will hereafter furnish
means for correcting. For the headings of each
page, which necessarily involve to a certain extent
a running interpretation of Rosmini's meaning,
the present Editor is alone responsible. For the
materials which have furnished the earlier portion
of this preface, the writer is indebted to the intro-
duction prefixed to the Philosophical System of
Antonio Rosmini-Serbati, by Mr. Thomas David-
son, and to Delia Vita di Antonio Rosmini-Serbati
Memorie di Francesco Paoli, Paravia, Roma, etc.,
1880. He has also pleasure in referring to the
first volume of the copious and interesting Life of
Antonio Rosmini-Serbati, founder of the Institute
of Charity, by G. S. Macwalter, London, Kegan
Paul, 1883, which, through the courtesy of the
author and publisher, he has been allowed to

examine before its publication.

H. P. L.

CHRIST CHURCH,

Eastertide, 1883.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

AUTHOR'S PREFACE . ,. xxxvii

CHAPTER I.
OF THE WOUND IN THE LEFT HAND OF THE HOLY CHURCH,

WHICH IS THE DIVISION BETWEEN THE PEOPLE AND THE

CLERGY IN PUBLIC WORSHIP

CHAPTER II.

OF THE WOUND IN THE RIGHT HAND OF THE HOLY CHURCH,

WHICH is THE INSUFFICIENT EDUCATION OF THE CLERGY 27

CHAPTER III.

OF THE WOUND IN THE SIDE OF THE HOLY CHURCH, WHICH

is THE DISUNION OF THE BISHOPS .„ ... ... 78

CHAPTER IV.
OF THE WOUND IN THE RIGHT FOOT OF THE HOLY CHURCH,

WHICH IS THAT THE NOMINATION OF BlSHOPS IS GIVEN

UP TO THE LAY POWER ... ... ... ... 133

xxxvi Contents,

CHAPTER V.

PAGE

OF THE WOUND IN THE LEFT FOOT OF THE HOLY CHURCH,
WHICH is THE SERVITUS (OR ENFORCED INFRINGEMENT OF
THE FULL RIGHTS) OF ECCLESIASTICAL PROPERTY ... 299

APPENDIX.
ON -THE ELECTION OF BISHOPS BY CLERGY AND PEOPLE :

LETTER I. ... ... ... ... ... 351

LETTER IT. 355

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
fcfo jSecessarg Ifttmarfcs bg foag of preface.

I. I WAS staying in a country house near Padua,
when I began to write this book, in order to
relieve my own troubled mind, and possibly
also to comfort others.

Not without some hesitation, however. For
the question occurred to me : Can it be fitting
that a man without any jurisdiction should treat
of the woes of the Holy Church ? Is there not a
certain audacity even in dwelling upon, still more
in writing about them, inasmuch as the care of
the Church of God belongs of right to her
Pastors ? And may not some disrespect towards
those Pastors be implied in thus displaying her
wounds, as though her Pastors discerned them
not, or at all events were unable to find a remedy ?

But to this I replied mentally that it cannot

xxxviii Author s Preface.

be wrong even for a layman to ponder over the
woes of the Church, if he be moved so to do
solely by an earnest zeal for her welfare, and for
the glory of God. And on examining myself, I felt
as sure as a man can feel of his own motives, that
this alone was the source of all that I was think-
ing about. I also reflected that whatever these
meditations are worth, there is no cause for con-
cealing them ; while if they are faulty, the Pastors
of the Church will reject them. I write with no in-
tention of deciding any question, but merely with
the design of giving expression to my thoughts
and submitting them to the Pastors of the Church,
especially to the Sovereign Pontiff, whose revered
utterances will always be for me the true and
safe rule with which to compare, and whereby to
correct, all my opinions. The Pastors of the
Church are absorbed and burdened with many
matters, so that they have little time for quiet
thought, and therefore they are wont to desire
that other men should set before them such reflec-
tions as might avail them in the government,
whether of the Church Universal, or of their
own especial branches of it. Moreover, I called
to mind how in all ages of the Church there

Author s Preface. xxxix

have been found holy persons, such as St. Jerome,
St. Bernard, St. Catherine, and many more, who,
without wielding episcopal authority, spoke and
wrote with striking freedom and decision of
the evils besetting the Church in their times,
of the urgent necessity for curing them, and of
the mode of effecting it. Not that I would liken
myself to such great names for one moment ; but
I felt that their example proved that the investi-
gation I was led to make could not in itself
be wrong, any more than was the fact of calling
the attention of the heads of the Church to those
things which distract and harass the Bride of
Jesus Christ.

II. Thus reassured, and daring to entertain
the thoughts which crowded on my mind con-
cerning the present state of the Church, to commit
them to writing, and to mention them to others,
there arose within me a further doubt as to the
prudence, and even as to the honesty, of publishing
such thoughts. I called to mind that all who in
our times have written on these subjects, pur-
posing and professing to occupy a via media
between the two extremes, instead of pleasing
both powers, the Church and the State, have

xl Aiithor s Preface.

equally displeased both. This proved the great
difficulty of treating such subjects so as to give
general satisfaction. Hence I asked myself whether
in writing my reflections I should not probably
offend and clash with both those powers, instead
of gratifying them.

But to this I replied that, if I acted conscien-
tiously, no one ought to blame me even although
I were mistaken. I was in no way seeking the
favour of men, nor any temporal advantage what-
soever. Thus, even supposing both parties found
fault with me, I should find a reward in the testi-
mony of my conscience, and in the expectation of
that Judgment from which there is no appeal.

III. On the other hand, I asked myself, in
what respects I might possibly offend men on
both sides ?

On the side of the State, I could only see one
thing which might give offence. I could not
consent to leave the nomination of Bishops in the
hands of the secular authority. But while disap-
proving of this prerogative, I am deeply convinced
that it is not more * prejudicial to the Church than

[* Ital. meno. But either this is a lapse for piu, or the words
chiesa and stato have been transposed.] — ED.

Author s Preface. xli

to the State, and that to believe the contrary
is a serious political error. The proofs which I
hold of this seeming paradox, and which I have
set forth in this book, are such, that I would
appeal to any statesman who knows how to fathom
a question, and who by a mental effort can over-
come ordinary prejudice ; who can see the far-off
consequences of a political principle ; who can
calculate and combine all the concurrent causes by
which alone it is possible to predict and to mea-
sure the total result of any State maxim whatever.
This being premised, I think that I show no less
desire for the weal of the State than for that of
the Church, in maintaining my opinion, and that
therefore sovereign princes cannot reasonably
demur to what I say, but should on the con-
trary approve of it. At the worst, those who
disagree with me can but urge that I know little
of politics ; but would that be a just cause for
making war upon me ? It has been said that
in politics, as elsewhere, you must judge by the
intention.

IV. On the side of the Church, I found no-
thing in the contents of my book likely to offend,
unless it be what I have said with respect to

xlii Author s Preface.

the excess of pontifical reservations in elections.
But this abuse does not belong specially to the
present times ; it is historical. And all men of
sound sense will agree with me that there is no
reason to fear a frank confession of such patent
abuses, when it is required by the thread of the
treatise, since thereby it is plainly shown that my
object is not to advance the cause or works of men
but the cause and Truth of God. Moreover, I do
not feel that I ought to refrain from writing,
for fear of displeasing persons who are more well-
intentioned than far-sighted, while I have good
reason to believe that what I write is not dis-
pleasing to the Holy See, to whose judgment I
would always submit everything. I have ever
found the mind of the Holy See noble, dignified,
and, above all, in harmony with truth and justice.
Now I have treated of no abuses but those which
have been recognized and dealt with as such by
the Supreme Pontiffs themselves. Among other
things, I called to mind that remarkable Congre-
gation of Cardinals, Bishops, and Abbots, to
which, A.D. 1537, Paul III. committed, under
oath, the charge of seeking out and freely ex-
hibiting to himself every abuse and departure

Authors Preface. xliii

from the right way which had crept even into
the Eoman Court. It would be impossible to
name more venerable personages than those who
were thus assembled. They comprised four
Cardinals— Contarini, Caraffa, Sadolet, and Pole;
three of the most learned Bishops — Federigo
Fregoso of Salerno, Girolamo Alessandro of
Brindisi, and Giovammatteo Giberti of Verona.
To these were added Cortesi, Abbot of San
Giorgio at Venice, and Badia, Master of the
Sacred Palace, who were both made Cardinals sub-
sequently.1 These men, so remarkable for their
learning, their prudence, and their integrity, that
their very names are sufficient, faithfully fulfilled
the Pope's commission. Among the abuses
which they pointed out to him, they did not fail
to include those connected with reversions and
reserves, together with other defects in the colla-
tion to benefices. Neither did they fail with keen
penetration to discover and point out the deep
roots of such abuses ; especially one which so
often leads, not only the State, but the ministers

P Of. " Consilium delectorum Cardinalium et aliorum Prce-
latorum, de emendanda Ecchsia, S. D. N. D. Paulo in. ipso
jubente conscriptum et exhibitum. MDxxxvii. Imprimebatur anno
MDxxxviii."— ED.]

xliv Author s Preface.

of the Church to stray from the right path in the
use of their power. And this I have also indicated
as " the refined adulation of men of the law."
Assuredly nothing can be more frank or effective
than the language used on this topic by those
learned men in the memorial presented by them
to the Pope. They say, " Your Holiness, being
taught of the Holy Spirit, Who, as Augustine
says, speaks to the heart without sound of words,
knows well what has been the beginning of these
evils. It is that certain of your predecessors,
6 having itching ears/ l as the Apostle Paul says,
heaped to themselves teachers after their own lusts,
not in order to learn what was right to do, but
rather, through the study and astuteness of those
men, to find excuses for doing what they would.
Not to dwell on the fact that adulation clings to
all great people, as the shadow follows the-body,
and that the ears of princes have rarely heard the
truth, it thus came to pass that doctors were forth-
coming who taught that the Pope was lord of all
benefices, and consequently, since a lord may sell
that which is his without injustice, that the Pope
cannot be guilty of simony. And, moreover, that

1 2 Tim. iv. 3.

Author 's Preface. xlv

the will of the Pope, whatever it be, is the rule
whereby his proceedings and actions are to be
guided. Thus, without doubt, it followed that
whatever the Pope might wish, was lawful. From
this fountain, 0 Holy Father, even as from the
Trojan horse, there have burst forth upon the
Church of God so many abuses and such grievous
ills, that now we see her oppressed with them
almost without hope of deliverance, and the evil
report of them (may your Holiness believe us who
know ! ) has spread abroad even to the infidels, who
chiefly for this cause deride the Christian religion.
Thus through us — through us, we say — the Name
of Christ is blasphemed among the Gentiles." l

[l In translating this passage we have followed the Latin, which
is as follows : —

"Ex quoniam Sanctitas tua Spiritu Dei erudita, Qui ut inquit
Augustinus, loquitur in cordibus nullo verborum strepitu, probe
noverat principium horum malorum inde fuisse, quod nonnulli
Pontifices tui prredecessores prurientes auribus, ut inquit apostolus
Paulus, coacervaverunt sibi magistros ad desideria sua, non ut ab
eis discerent quod facere deberent, sed ut eorum studio et callidi-
tate inveniretur ratio, qua liceret id quod liberet ; inde effectum
est, preeterquam quod principatum omnem sequitur adulatio, ut
umbra corpus, difficillimusque semper fuit aditus veritatis ad aures
Principum, quod confestim prodirent Doctores, qui docerent Ponti-
ficem esse dominum benenciorum omnium ; ac ideo, cum dominus
jure vendat id quod suum est, necessario sequi in Pontificem non
posse cadere Simoniam ; itaque voluntas Pontificis, qualiscunque ea
fuerit, sit regula qua ejus operationes ac actiones dirigantur : ex

xlvi Author s Preface.

Having weighed all these considerations, T put
aside all my doubts, and with a clear mind and
free hand I sat down to write this little treatise,
praying God to use it to His glory, and to the
good of His Church.

CORRETTOLA,

November 18, 1832.

quo procul dubio effici, ut quicquid libeat, id etiam liceat. Ex
hoc fonte, Sancte Pater, tanquam ex equo Trojano, irrupere in
Ecclesiam Dei tot abusus et tarn gravissimi morbi, quibus nunc
conspicimus earn ad desperationem fere salutis laborasse, vel
manasse harum rernm famam ad infideles usque (credat Sanctitas
vestra scientibus), qui ob hanc preecipue causam, Christianam
religionem derident adeo, ut per nos, per nos inquimus, nomen
Christi blasphemetur inter gentes." — ED.]

OF THE FIVE WOUNDS
OF THE HOLY CHURCH.

CHAPTER I.

€M tfie ^ountr fa t&e Heft ^anfo of tfje f^olg ODfwrci),
foin'cj) is tfje 3Btbfeion toton tfje ^tople anfc tfje
CUrgs fa public SMors&fp.1

Y. THE Author of the Gospel is the Maker of
Man. Jesus Christ came to save the whole man.2
Man is a being composed of body and spirit.
Therefore the law of grace and love must pene-
trate and possess itself both of man's mind and
of his body. It must be so set before the world
as to attain this end. It must so combine ideas

1 By ''division,1' I do not mean a separation in communion
and in spirit, which can never be wanting in the Church of Jesus
Christ ; but only the lack of that practical union which exists
between the clergy and people when the latter fully understand
the rites and prayers recited and performed by the former in their
sacred duties.

2 St. John iii. 2-6.

The work of the Gospel

CHAP. i. with actions, thus appealing no less to intellect
than to feeling, that the whole man, yea, the very
dry bones of humanity may be touched by their
Creator's will and live through Him.

VI. It was not enough that the Gospel should
take possession of the individual man. The glad
message was destined to save all mankind. Not
only was it to act upon the several elements of
man's nature ; its Divine action was to accompany
our nature unfailingly in all its developments,
and to support it in all the stages of its history.
Thus instead of man's ruin being precipitated by
his natural gravitation towards evil, a kindly law
of progressive improvement would govern his
onward course. In short, the Gospel was to
mingle itself with and display itself in single
lives, and thence to pass into the communities
formed out of them. Having saved the individual
man, it was to renew and save every association
of men ; the family, the nation, humankind at
large. It was to impose wholesome laws on all
these associations of men, ruling them in the Name
of the God of peace. For associations are the
work of man ; and it is natural that the Divine
law which rules man himself, should also control
his handiwork.

VII. The Apostles, who were sent forth by

in the race of man.

their Divine Master to teach and baptize all CHAP. i.
nations, and who were trained by His Word and
His example, presented themselves to the world as
commissioned to do this great work, and showed
that they were endowed with that fulness of the
Spirit which was required for such a mission.

They did not pretend to found a school of
philosophy. Had this been all that was put
forward, men would not have thronged to listen
to the Apostles, although in their school nothing
but truth was taught. So it had happened
in the case of all the philosophical sects of
Greece. They were not more followed because of
the larger proportion of truth which they taught,
or the lesser proportion of lies which they upheld.
All the tongues together would have given forth
nothing but ideas, doubtless under various forms
of expression, but still only ideas. Whereas human
nature craved for something more, something to
be actually done for it. And the Apostles did
not, as the philosophers, pour out upon the human
race mere words : they announced acts. Had it
been otherwise, no gift of tongues would have
ensured the successful issue of their undertaking.
So that while they revealed luminous truths
and profound mysteries to the passive side of
man's understanding, and supplied by their own

Insufficiency of teaching

CHAP. L lives heroic examples for imitation, they simul-
taneously gave to the active element in man's
nature a powerful impulse, a new direction, and a
new life. Let it here be borne in mind that when
I speak of the works by which the company of
Evangelists accompanied and completed the efficacy
of their words, I do not only allude to the miracles
which they worked on external nature, and by
which they proved the divinity of their mission.
The powers with which they showed themselves
to be furnished, and by which they bent the laws
of nature in obedience to and in witness of the
truth which they announced, could do no more
than convince men that their doctrine was true.
But the truth of their doctrine could be proved
in other ways, and men might be convinced
without being satisfied. For, as I said, while
human nature aspires to find truth in the sphere
of ideas, and cannot rest without attaining there-
to, it has also a no less urgent and pressing need
which causes it to aspire continually to find
happiness in something real. And to this it
gravitates by a law of its nature.

VIII. Were, then, these works, with which the
Apostles reinforced the sublime words which they
addressed to the human race, the virtues which
they themselves put in practice ?

and example only. 5

Assuredly virtue is an essential need of man- CHAP. I.
kind. For without moral dignity man is despic-
able in his own eyes, and as such, he cannot be
happy. And the Apostles set before the eyes of
corrupt mankind a new spectacle. In their own
lives they practised all the virtues which they had
seen in their Divine Master and had learned of Him.

But what could this effect ? The natural
need of virtue in man was stifled, suffocated, by
idolatry, by the artificial need of evildoing. Nor
could the virtues of the Apostles draw forth a
whisper of approbation from the depths of human
nature, since those depths had become an abyss,
guarded by human perversity, as by a fierce
Cerberus, lest any ray of light should penetrate
them. On the contrary, their virtues did but
serve to kindle against the Apostles of the Lord
the cruelty and ferocity of the sons of men, who
shed their blood with savage eagerness. Men had
forgotten the very outward semblance of virtue,
or they recognized it only as an object of hatred.
A few were yet impressed by its beauty, and
were reached by some ray of its Divine attractions.
But they were without moral strength ; and an
unattainable perfection of obedience to the com-
mands of Christ could only aggravate their own
despair of reaching it. Thus they were thrown back

6 New virtues taiight by the Apostles

CHAP. i. into that degradation which results from despair,
and leads to the deadly torpor wherein depraved
human nature ceases to make any effort, and gives
itself up to open vice. Especially was this the
case, because, in the lives of these new messengers,
there appeared a class of virtues altogether new
to the world. They were supernatural. And
these supernatural virtues could not only not be
appreciated, they could not even be justified with-
out a Wisdom which began by calling mere mad-
ness that which the human understanding had
hitherto esteemed as most precious, most advan-
tageous, most surely matter for self-congratulation.
IX. Thus the doctrines of the Gospel, whether
at first or in their development, could not be
rendered sufficiently powerful and effective to
penetrate and control humanity either by the won-
derful miracles or by the exemplary virtue which
accompanied them. For the miracles could only
bear witness to the truth of theories,1 which, if
unaided, must be barren and ineffective ; and the

1 [It is right perhaps to observe that the depreciatory sense
which often attaches to the word " theory " in English, as meaning
speculation, in opposition to action or practice, is not characteristic
of the foreign use of the word, according to which it stands for
doctrine or speculation without, or not yet issuing in, practice or
action. The English use of the word is a product of the English
character. — ED. ]

implied new means of grace.

value of the good examples could not and would CHAP. i.
not be appreciated by men sunk in vice. At
best they would receive a scanty and profitless
admiration from some few, as prodigies worked by
rare beings, whom ordinary mortals could not
imitate. "Whence, then, was that hidden force by
which the Apostolic words became more than mere
words, and by which they so far exceeded those
of all the masters of human wisdom ? Whence
did they derive that saving power which grappled
with man within the last defences of the soul and
there triumphed over him ? What further special
agencies did the Apostles produce in order to save
man as a whole — his intellectual as well as his
practical nature — and to subject the entire world
to a Cross ?

In order to know these agencies with which
the messengers of Christ were charged to ac-
company their oral promulgation of His com-
mandments, we must go back to the text of the
commission which they received. What were the
words of Jesus Christ ? — " Go ye therefore and
teach all nations, baptizing them in the Name of
the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost."1 Never had any human teacher spoken
thus to his disciples. In this commission was

1 St. Matt, xxviii. 19.

Prayer and sacraments

CHAP. i. combined that which the Apostles were to do with
respect to the passive part of human nature, as
well as with respect to its active side. As regards
the understanding, which is passive in so far that
its duty is to receive the truth, it was said, " Teach
all nations." At the same time an order was
given for the regeneration of the will, which com-
prehends all human activity, nay, man himself, in
the words, " baptizing them in the Name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy G-host."
Thus was instituted a sacrament, which is the
door to all other means of grace, through which
the unseen restorative power of the One Triune
God was to renew the face of the earth, by pro-
moting the resurrection of human nature, long
dead in sin and ruined for eternity.

X. The wonderful works, the mysterious rites,
by means of which the Apostles reformed the world,
were the sacraments ; and among these the great-
est— that sacrament which originated in the Sacri-
fice of the Lamb, Who before His death had fed
them with His own Flesh, saying, " This do in
remembrance of Me." l Certainly these sacra-
ments were words, that is to say signs, but
such words as the schools of Greek sages knew
not. They were not such words as only struck

1 St. Luke xxii. 19 ; 1 Cor. xi. 24, 25.

how related to virtue.

upon the bodily ear, or only instructed the under- CHAP. i.
standing ; they revealed to the awakened heart of
man the immortal beauty of truth, the royal
rewards of virtue ; they discovered God Himself
to the spirit of man — that God Who had hidden
Himself that He might not be contaminated by
the touch of impurity. In short, they were words
and signs, but from God ; words which created
a new soul within the old, a new life, new heavens
and a new earth. That which the Apostles added
to their preaching was the Catholic worship, which
chiefly consists in sacrifice, sacraments, and the
prayers thereto pertaining.

XI. The doctrines which they spread abroad
by preaching were so many abstract assertions ;T
but the practical force, the force of action, arose
from that worship, whereby man could attain the
grace of the Almighty.2 It was not uncommon
to confuse the two words moral and practical,
and to use them in the same sense, speaking in-
discriminately of moral philosophy and practical
philosophy. Hence it arose that the philosopher
who taught moral precepts, held himself thereby
to be a virtuous man ; and his disciples con-
sidered themselves as free from vice and pos-
sessed of all virtue, inasmuch as they listened

1 [Ital.} teorie.— ED.] 2 [Of. however, Ar. Eth. i. 3, 6, etc.— ED.]

io Superiority of grace to knowledge.

CHAP. i. to definitions of vice and virtue. Fatal human
pride! the devil's exaltation of intellect, which
imagines itself to contain all good, and which is
ignorant that knowledge is but a slender and ele-
mentary principle of good ; and that that which is
truly and perfectly good belongs to genuine action,
to effective will, and not to a merely intellectual
process ! And yet this pride of intellect has been
until now the perpetual snare of mankind. It
began on the day in which it was said to man,
" Your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be
as gods." *

XII. Meanwhile, when the Maker of man
undertook man's reformation, He was not content
with presenting moral precepts to the intellect,
He also gave to man's will the practical strength
to fulfil them. And if He attached this strength
to external rites, it was to show that He gave it
gratis to man, and could attach to it whatsoever
conditions He would. If, moreover, He willed
that these rites should be so many sacraments,
that is signs, it was because they were adapted
to the nature of the being for whose salvation
they were instituted, that is to say, of an intelligent
being, to whom life and salvation were most fitly
conveyed by signs and words.2

1 Gen. iii. 5. 2 [St. Aug. De Doct. Christiana, iii. 11, § 13. Ed.]

Significance of the outward side of worship. 1 1

XIII. That grace which strengthens the will CHAP. i.
is communicated by means of the understanding ;
and it is through a sign apprehended by the under-
standing that the Christian feels the presence of
God; and by this feeling lives, and is vigorous in
action. When the Apostles and their successors
added holy prayers, usages, outward symbols, and
stately rites to the sacraments instituted by Christ
Himself, in order that the public worship offered
to the Redeemer of men might be more worthy of
an Incarnate God, and more fit for the assembling
together of those who believed in His Word, they
were but following the example of their Divine
Master. Nothing was introduced into His temple
without a meaning; everything spoke and set
forth high and Divine truths. Nothing could be
mute and dark that was done in those solemn
assemblies, since their purpose was to adore and
pray to Him Who enlightens the understanding of
His intelligent creatures; and in them the Supreme
Intelligence, while receiving a reasonable wor-
ship, Himself blessed, penetrated, and kindled the
natures He had created. And those usages,
those sacramentals which the Church, in. accordance
with the power given to her, has added to that
part of her worship which Christ Himself insti-
tuted, as being the foundation of all Catholic

1 2 Intended unity of clergy and people

CHAP. i. worship, not only have their special meanings
like the sacraments ; they also share in the life-
giving strength conveyed by the sacraments to
the spirit of man, and diffuse over his heart
a healing virtue, which rekindles within him the
will to do that which is right.

XIV. We may remark another fact respecting
that Christian worship which was introduced at
the same time with Christian teaching. That
worship, to which God had annexed His grace,
in order to render men able to practise the moral
lessons inculcated on them, was not merely a
spectacle set before the eyes of the people. The
people were not to be only lookers-on without
any active part or share in the devotional scene.
Undoubtedly believers in Christ might have been
taught solely by seeing that which was done
in church, as simple, spectators of a sacred
representation ; and God, sole Disposer of His
own gifts, had He so willed it, might have made
the mere view of the services offered Him by His
priests, to be a quickening means of grace. But
in His wonderful adaptation of all things to His
creature man, He would not do this ; He willed
rather that the people gathered together in His
temple should contribute a considerable part to
His worship. Sometimes they are the subjects of

in public worship. 1 3

the Divine action, as when the sacraments and CHAP. I.
ministerial benedictions are administered to them ;
sometimes they are united with the clergy, not
only in thought, but in will and effort. Thus
it is whenever the congregation joins in the
prayers, when it answers to the salutations or
invitations of the priest, when it returns the
salutation of peace, when it makes its offerings,
and when it takes a direct part in the rite which
is administered, as in Holy Matrimony. In short,
the clergy of the Catholic Church at one time
represent God while speaking to and acting upon
the people in His Name. At another they are
identified with the people ; and as belonging to
the Head of mankind, united with His [mystical]
Body, they speak to God, awaiting His mys-
terious operations of moral healing and refresh-
ing. Thus the sublime worship of the Holy
Church is only one, rising up from clergy and
people, who, with well-ordered harmony and united
intention, promote together the same sacred work.
XY. All the faithful in the Church, clergy
and people, represent and form that beautiful
unity of which Christ spoke when He said,
" Where two or three are gathered together in
My Name, there am I in the midst of them ; " l

1 St. Matt, xviii. 20.

14 Unity of soul in worship is lost

CHAP. i. and again, addressing the Father, "The glory
which Thou gavest Me I have given them ; that
they may be one, even as We are One." * This
ineffable unity of spirit, spoken of by Christ
Himself in words so sublime, so often repeated,
has its foundation in the " clearness of intel-
lectual light" which Christ gave to His Church
in order that the faithful might be one with
Him, cleaving to the same truth, or rather to Him
Who is Truth. Now in order to attain a perfect
consent in those petitions which they meet to-
gether to present before God, it is necessary that
all should understand what they say in the prayers
which they join in offering at the Throne of the
Most High. Thus we may almost say that this
perfect unanimity of feeling and affections is a
condition of Christian worship imposed by Christ
Himself, in order to its being acceptable to Him,
and to His being found in the midst of His
worshippers. It is worthy of note, too, how forcibly
Christ expresses this condition or law which
should distinguish the true Christian's prayer
from that of the Jew, which consisted in a
material worship, and an unrealized2 faith. Our
Lord is not content with saying that His faithful

1 St. John xvii 22.

2 [Ital., implicita, cf. Heb. ix. 6-10.— ED.]

if the service be not understood. 1 5

people must pray, united to each other, and with CHAP. i.
a consenting will ; He says expressly that they are
to be united " in all things whatsoever they should
ask." 1 So careful is Christ for the unity of His
people ! not only for a union of bodies, but for a
union of rninds and hearts ; a union by means of
which all Christians of every rank are gathered
together like one man before their Saviour's altars,
even as Holy Scripture says of Israel that it fought
" as one man." 2 And when can we now say that
the Christian people are consenting in all things,
and perfectly one, unless it be when, assembled
together in the Lord's House, they join with one
accord in the sacred ordinances ; each one knowing
what is done, and what he has to do ; all sharing
the same interests ; all, in short, taking not merely
an outward part in Divine service, but also possess-
ing a full and perfect comprehension of the sacred
mysteries, of the prayers, symbols, and rites of
which the Divine service is composed ? There-
fore it is essential that the people should understand
the language of the Church in her public worship,
that they should be duly instructed in what is said
and done in the holy sacrifice, in the administra-
tion of the sacraments, and in all other ordinances of

1 [St. Matt, xviii. 19, Vulg.— ED.]

2 [Judg. vi. 16, xx. 1, 8.— ED.]

1 6 Disastrous effects of

CHAP. i. the Church. And for this reason, the fact that
the people are all but separated and cut off from
an intelligent share in the Church's worship, is
the first of those open, gaping wounds in the
mystical Body of Jesus Christ whence its life-
blood oozes forth.

XVI. The causes of this unhappy separation
are manifold ; but, among these, two appear to be
pre-eminent.

In the symbols which were instituted by Christ,
and in the rites added thereto by the Church, we
find expressed and as it were represented all
that is taught either by the dogma or by the moral
law of the Gospel, in a language common to all
nations, that is the language of signs, which sets
forth truth by means of visible representations.
But before this natural and universal language
can be fully understood by him to whom it is
addressed, he must have within himself a full
knowledge of those truths, which are thus to be
kept ever present to his soul. And consequently
the less our Christian people are instructed by
the preaching of the gospel, the less will they
understand and receive of the high truths set
forth in Christian worship. For this cause our
Lord appointed that they should be instructed in
the truth before an external worship was given

a lack of evangelical teaching. 1 7

to them ; bidding His Apostles first to " teach all CHAP. i.
nations," and then " baptize them." The first
cause, then, of the wall of division raised between
the people and the ministers of Christ's Church
is to be found in the lack of a full and living
teaching ; and this evil is fostered by a foolish
prejudice held to by some that the people should
be kept in a state of ignorance, or that they are
not capable of appreciating the more sublime truths
of the Christian Faith.

XY1I. I say advisedly, a full and living
teaching ; since, so far as the fact of teaching goes,
there is perhaps more now than of old. Every one
learns catechisms ; and catechisms contain those
dogmatic formulas, those final, simple, exact
expressions of truth, to which the Christian
doctrine has been reduced by the united labours
and careful thought of the learned of many ages,
assisted by the Holy Spirit present at the Councils
of the Church and speaking in her as dispersed
throughout the world. Such precision and ex-
actness in doctrinal formulas is assuredly a gain.
The words convey truth, wholly and only. A
safe path is traced, by means of which teachers
may impart to the faithful, the most recondite
and sublime mysteries of the Faith without much
personal study. But is it equally an advantage

1 8 Insufficiency of formularies

CHAP. I. that these teachers of Christian truth should them-
selves be dispensed from a close and laborious
study of the truths they teach ? If it is made
easy to convey exact formulas to the ears of the
faithful learners, is it equally easy to impress these
formulas on their minds ; or to cause them to sink
into the heart, which is only reached through
the mind? Granted that doctrinal language is
abridged, that the terms in which it is clothed
are brought to the most perfect dogmatic pre-
cision, and above all that it is finally fixed in
unalterable exactness. But is it really more ac-
cessible to ordinary intelligences ? May we not
on the contrary, doubt whether a certain variety
and copiousness of expression was not an ad-
vantage in bringing truth to bear upon the souls
of the multitude; one word casting light upon
another ; the style or expression which did no'
suit one listener, being well adapted to another ?
In short, by thus calling into play all the resources
of God's great gift of language, was there not
more scope for trying every means by which
words can penetrate the spirit of the hearers ?
Is it not true that a single unchangeable expression
is lifeless as well as unchangeable, and leaves the
mind and heart of the hearer lifeless also ? Is it
not true that a teacher who merely repeats what

without a living commentary. 19

he himself does not understand, however scru- CHAP. i.
pulously exact may be his words, gives us a sensa-
tion as though his lips were frozen, and scattered
hoar-frost rather than the kindling rays of life over
his listeners ? The more perfect and full such words
or sentences are, the more they require intelligence
to make them reach their aim, the more they re-
quire thoughtful explanations. To the multitude
they are like dry food given to a young child
whose digestion cannot receive it until it is
softened and prepared. Those formulas, imperfect
if we will, by which the Christian doctrines
were once taught, had this advantage from their
very imperfection, that they did not put truth
before men as a solid whole, but, so to say,
broken up into fragments ; while the comments
made on them amended any possible defects of
expression, and gathered together the seemingly
separated parts, so that the absolute truth, formed
and built itself up in the minds which received it,
and was thus completed and perfected. It is certain
that truth cannot influence hearts, if we are con-
tented with a lifeless image of it, instead of the real
living power; if we stop short in words, ever so pre-
cise in expression, which do not go beyond the
ear, beginning and ending there. Certainly, in
these days, when a child is to be admitted to the

2O Value and drawbacks of Catechisms.

CHAP. i. sacraments of the Church, we examine carefully
if he knows the chief mysteries. He repeats the
formularies, and that is the proof that he knows
them. And yet there is often room for doubt
whether a child who repeats the words of the
catechism by heart, knows any more about these
mysteries than another who has never learnt it.
What then ? Has the modern introduction of cate-
chisms been more hindrance than help to the Holy
Church? If so, it would be strange to see so
perverted a result of that which promised so well
in the abstract. But we must say of these admir-
able compendiums of Christian instruction, what
the Apostle said of the law of Moses ; " it is holy,
and just, and good, if a man use it lawfully."1
So that the defect lies not with the thing itself,
but with men's use of it. Our modern cate-
chisms are in themselves excellent, and a natural
result of the law of progress to which all human
things are subject, under the influence of Chris-
tianity. Let the clergy take heed : of them it
will be required to give account of the good or
evil produced by this, as by all other wonder-
ful institutions with which the Holy Spirit con-
tinually enriches the Church of the Word ; for
these are, in themselves, dead, and must be

1 Rom. vii. 12 ; 1 Tim. i. 8.

Providential purpose of the Latin language. 2 1

made to live, by the wise handling of the CHAP. i.
clergy.

XVIII. But it is not by rites alone that
Christians are taught. In the institution of
worship our Lord added to the language of
actions, and that which taught the eye, the in-
struction of the ear, or vocal teaching ; and His
Church has followed in the same path. Neces-
sarily this vocal teaching must vary with the
diversity of nations. To remedy this hindrance
to ready communication, Providence had raised
up the Roman Empire, which, binding many
nations into one, carried the Latin language well-
nigh to the ends of the earth. Thus the peoples
who were called to the Gospel found themselves
possessed of a common speech, by means of
which they understood those words which accom-
pany sacraments and rites, explaining them, and
setting them more fully forth. Seeing then that
words are the form of sacraments, Christ willed
by these certain and definite signs to speak as
clearly as possible to the understanding, and
while doing this, to work mystically. Therefore
it was that the virtue of the sacrament was
not to be attached only to the matter employed
in it, which by itself is silent and cannot ex-
press any clear meaning, but rather to those

22 Latin now a dead langtiage.

CHAP. i. words which set before the mind the use of the
material substance, and the end which it is to
further. Thus the understanding received light
through the meaning of the things set before it,
and strength by the grace given in the sacred
rite. But wars and the intermixture of nations
altered languages. In this way, the language
of the Church long ago ceased to be the language
of the people. By this great change the people
found themselves in darkness. Their understand-
ing was separated from the Church which went on
speaking to them, of them, and with them, while
they could make no better answer than the pilgrim
exile in a foreign ]and, who hears all around him
unwonted sounds that have no meaning whatever
for him.

XIX. These two calamities, the decay of living
instruction, and the disappearance of the Latin
language from common use, fell at the same time
upon the Christian people, owing to a common
cause, namely, the general invasion of the south by
the northern barbarians. Paganism and its spirit
were deeply rooted in society ; up to that time, the
Christian faith had only taken hold of individuals.
The conversion of the Caesars themselves was
but the winning of single persons, powerful as
they were. And it was ordained in the unalter-

Effects of the Barbarian invasion. 23

able destinies of Christianity that the Word of CHAP. i.
Christ should penetrate society, that it should con-
trol science and art as well as man ; and that all
culture, every flower of human life, every social
tie should through it flourish afresh. Therefore
Providence condemned the earlier social system
to destruction, and tore it up from its very founda-
tions. Carrying out this ban, the barbarian
hordes, guided by the Angels of the Lord, poured
down in masses one upon the other, not merely
ruining the Roman Empire,. but sweeping even
its ruins away. Thus was prepared a clear soil
for the grand edifice of the new society of the
faithful. In the history of mankind, the middle
age forms an abyss separating the old world
from the new; there is no more communion be-
tween them than between two continents divided
by a pathless ocean. Weighed in the balance of
Divine Wisdom the two misfortunes of ignorance
and the loss of the Church's language, which
thus visited the faithful, were shown to be more
than counterbalanced by the radical destruction
of the social institutions and customs of idolatry ;
and by means of this terrible visitation, the Eternal
hastened the advent on earth of a society likewise
baptized, so to say, in blood, and regenerated by
the word of the Living God.

24 Existing separation between clergy

CHAP. i. XX. But if it pleased God to allow His
Church to receive so deep a wound by the separa-
tion of the Christian people from their clergy in
the solemn acts of worship, is this wound incur-
able ? Can it be that the people, who by primitive
rule not only witnessed but took part in the services
of the Lord's House, will now be satisfied with little
more than bare attendance there ? Scarcely so, I
think ; for it is too much to expect of an intelli-
gent and civilized people that they will come
mechanically to attend rites in which they have no
longer any share, and which they do not under-
stand.1 And this their repugnance to frequenting
Christian Churches is unjustly made by men's
indiscretion an occasion for perverting most
strangely the Redeemer's words, " Compel them
to come in."

1 The institution of the Oratories and of the Marian Congre-
gations was the work of good men, who saw clearly that it was
needful to feed the devotion of our Christian people with some-
thing more than the public offices of the Church. Some severe
judges, holding fast to theories, and regardless of altered circum-
stances, raised a great outcry against these institutions, denouncing
them as new to the Church, and unknown to venerable antiquity ;
and as calculated to disturb the ordinary action of the Church,
since they imply that what sufficed to the first ages of the Church
no longer suffices in these times. But these harsh critics do not
bear in mind that in the intervening time the sacred services have
become almost inaccessible to the people ; while, on the other side,
St. Philip Neri, St. Ignatius, and other eminently holy men who
had no object but the good of souls, have borne strong testimony
to the truth of our words.

and people cannot continue. 25

Surely if nations are capable of being healed, CHAP. I.
much more are the ills of the Church curable.
It seems an insult to her Divine Founder to
imagine that He Who prayed the Eternal Father
to make all His disciples " one, even as I and
the Father are One,"1 would suffer a perpetual
wall of separation to exist between the people and
the clergy, so that all that is said and done in
the celebration of the Divine mysteries becomes
unreal and meaningless ; that He would permit
the people for whom the Light of the Word was
born, and who were themselves born again for
the worship of the Word, to assist at the greatest
acts of His worship in no other capacity, so to
speak, than that of the statues and pillars of the
temple, deaf to the voice of their mother the Church
when in very solemn moments she addresses them
or intercedes for them as her children : or that the
priesthood, withdrawn from the people, on a height
which is ambitious and harmful because inac-
cessible, should degenerate into an aristocracy, a
peculiar society, severed from society in general,
with its own interests, language, laws and cus-
toms ! But these are the inevitable and deplorable
consequences of a seemingly slight cause ; conse-
quences to which a priesthood would be inevitably

1 St. Johnxvii. 11.

26 Remedy is with the clergy.

CHAP. I. exposed, when no longer united, except externally,
to the people, and in reality absent from the great
company of the faithful.

XXI. But if the wound can be healed, who is
to apply the remedy ?

The clergy. The Catholic clergy alone can
first prepare, and then effect the cure. On their
lips is the Word of Life, and Christ has given it to
their charge for the salvation of mankind ; they
are the salt, the light, the universal salve of man.
Why then do they not make ready, and administer
the medicine ? That arises from another Wound
of the Church, which bleeds no less copiously
than the first, namely, the insufficient education of
the clergy themselves.

CHAPTER II.

tfje eaountr in tfje <&u$t f^anfc of tfje ^olg 0£J)urri),
is tfje Insufficient (Btwcatfon of tfie

XXII. IN the happiest times of the Church, preach-
ing and the liturgy were the two great schools
of the Christian people. The former taught the
faithful by words alone ; the latter by words
conjoined with certain rites; and, especially by
those rites to which their Divine Author had given
power to work particular effects upon human nature,
namely, the Holy Sacrifice and the Sacraments.
Both were full of teaching. They did not ad-
dress themselves only to one side of human nature,
but to the whole man ; they penetrated, they
subdued him. They were not merely voices
to reach the intellect alone, or symbols which
impressed the senses only ; but both by means
of the intellect and of the senses, they reached
to the heart, and filled the Christian with an

28 Character of the primitive clergy

CHAP. ii. exalted sense of God's mysterious and superhuman
works. This sense was as active and powerful
as was the grace which gave it birth ; for the
words of evangelical preaching issued forth from
saints who poured out upon their hearers the
abundance of the Spirit with Whom they were
overfilled ; and rites, efficacious in themselves,
became still more so through the good soil into
which they fell. The hearts of the faithful
were well prepared to receive them by the in-
structions of their pastors, and by their own
clear apprehension of all that was done, or that
they themselves did, in the Church. From among
believers like these the clergy were chosen. They
brought to the Church, which had chosen them to
the high honour of her ministry, a groundwork
of doctrine, as large as their faith, which they
had imbibed in common with the rest of the
faithful ; praying the same prayers, visited by
the same Divine Grace, by means of which they
knew and felt intimately all the fulness of the
sublime religion which they professed. Of a
truth we may predict what the ministers of the
Sanctuary will be, if we know the people whence
they spring ; and if we knew no more than the
character of the faithful in primitive times, and of
their holy assemblies, we should have materials

corresponded to that of the faithful. 29

for judging what their clergy must needs have CHAP. n.
been. This throws light on events which are so
unaccountable in our eyes ; as when we find a
simple layman vehemently demanded by the multi-
tude for their pastor, and, in spite of his resistance,
transformed in a few brief days into a Bishop.
This was by no means rare in early times. There
are on record the instances of SS. Ambrose, Alex-
ander, Martin, Peter Chrysologus, and others, who
were raised at once from the humble condition of
faithful laymen, living in obscurity or employed
in secular offices, to the Episcopate. And no
sooner were these lights set on a candlestick, than
they shed a marvellous brightness over the whole
Church.

XXIII. By the same rule, our modern clergy
are such as are our laity. It cannot be otherwise ;
coming as they do from among Christians
who have perhaps never understood anything
of the Church services, and have assisted at
them like strangers witnessing scenes in which
they know not clearly what the clergy are
doing. Perhaps they had never felt the dignity
which belongs to members of the Church ;
and had never conceived or experienced that
oneness of body and spirit in which clergy and
people are prostrated before the Almighty, hold-

IIDftAfW CT I«

30 Evils resulting from want of

ii. jng communion with Him, and He with them.
Probably many have looked upon the clergy as a
privileged and enviable caste, living on the pro-
ceeds of the Altar ; as an upper class, like any other
highly placed laymen ; as forming a separate
whole, and not as the noblest part of the
Church's Body, of which the laity, too, are
members, while all obtain the same blessings, pray
with the same voice, offer the same sacrifice, seek
the same grace from Heaven. Hence has arisen
the too-common saying that Church affairs are
the priest's affairs. How shall we begin to
teach and train, in a true and large clerical spirit,
pupils who come to the Church's school so full
of themselves ! Lacking, as they do, the very
first rudiments which we should suppose they
would already possess, and of which Church edu-
cation ought to be merely a development, such
men do not even bring a definite idea of what is
meant by a clerical temper ; they do not know
what they seek in seeking to become priests, or
what they are going to learn in the school of
the sanctuary.

XXIV. This want of fitting preparation in
aspirants for a clerical training, is more to be
regretted than appears at first sight. We can-
not build where there is no solid foundation,

fitting preparation for clerical life. 3 1

CHAP. II.

especially where the instruction of the Catholic
priesthood is in question. For this necessarily
presupposes Christian instruction ; Christian life
being the first step towards the priesthood.
Here is the reason why the pupils of the sanc-
tuary enter there with such a lack of the true
Church temper ; or rather, with secular views,
which they have contracted from want of the
opposite teaching ; and, with these views, a
worldly mind which can hide itself under a
black cloak and accompany outward decency of
life. Thus it escapes the notice of those in
authority. They fail to perceive that this will
not suffice for the Church of Christ. He came
to fill all things with Himself; especially the
minds of His priests. They should know and
impart to others the grandeur of a religion which
should subdue and save man's entire nature.
But the poverty and degradation of thought
and feeling which characterize the training given
in our modern Church institutions, only pro-
duces priests who do not even know what beseems
the Christian laity, or the Christian priesthood,
or the sacred bond that exists between them.
Such ministers, men of a troubled spirit and sordid
mind, in time become priests, and have charge
of Churches, and educate other priests, who turn

32 The clergy anciently trained under

CHAP. ii. out weaker and more miserable than themselves.
Then these again become fathers and teachers of
others, who thus sink lower with each genera-
tion, since " the disciple is not above his
master;" * until it shall please God Himself to lend
us His aid, and take compassion on His beloved
Church.

XXV. In truth, great men alone can form
great men ; and this was another gain in
the ancient education of the clergy, which was
conducted by the greatest men whom the Church
contained. Now, however, the contrary practice
is a second cause of the insufficient education of
our modern clergymen.

In the early ages of the Church, the Bishop's
house was the seminary of his priests and
deacons. The presence and the holy conversation
of their superior was for them a living, constant,
and sublime lesson. His pious conversation taught
the theory, his stedfast life of pastoral duty the prac-
tice, of religion. Thus Athanasius grew up beside
Alexander, and Laurence beside Sixtus. Almost
every great Bishop trained up in his own house-
hold a worthy successor, a fitting heir to his piety,
his zeal, his learning. It is to this system that
we owe the eminent Pastors for whom the first

1 St. Matt. x. 24.

the eye of their Bishops. 33

six centuries of the Church were so remarkable. CHAP. IT.
By means of this full and perfect system the
sacred deposit of Divine and Apostolic doctrine
was faithfully transmitted from one to another
through informal and oral communication. The
system was itself Apostolic, inasmuch as Irenaeus,
Pantsenus, Hernias, and so many others, had
gained their knowledge from the disciples of the
Apostles ; just as these last — Evodius, Clement,
Timothy, Titus, Ignatius, Polycarp, — had been
brought up, in Scriptural phrase, at the feet of
the Apostles.

In those days men believed in grace. They
believed that the words of a Pastor, appointed
by Christ to rule and teach His Church, derived
a special and unique efficacy from the Divine
Founder. This belief imparted supernatural life
and energy to the doctrines taught, so that they
made an indelible impression on men's minds.
Everything combined to render them effectual —
winning eloquence, holiness of life, grave and com-
posed bearing, and the powerful influence of the
presiding Episcopal mind. "I remember," says
Irenaeus, speaking of his first training under the
great Polycarp, — " I remember what happened
then, better than all that has happened since, for
the things learnt in childhood, growing with our

D

34 Salutary results of the

CHAP. ii. growth, are never forgotten ; so that I could point
out the very spot where the blessed Polycarp sat
while he preached the Word of God. The gravity
with which he ever came and went is yet vividly
before my mind ; the sanctity of his general life ;
the dignity of his countenance and his whole
person ; the exhortations with which he fed his
people. I seem yet to hear him recount how he
had conversed with St. John, and with many
others who had seen the Lord Jesus Christ ; the
words he had gathered from their lips, and the
details they had told him concerning the Divine
Saviour, His miracles and His doctrine ; and all
this was in the fullest sense in conformity with
the Holy Scriptures, as being described by men
who had been living witnesses of the Word, and
of His life-giving message. Of a truth by God's
mercy I listened eagerly and diligently to all
these things ; graving them, not on tablets, but
in the depths of my heart, and He has by His
grace enabled me to remember them, and ponder
continually upon them." *

XXYI. Such was the successful and wise
mode of education whereby great Bishops trained
their own clergy. As a result, there was a

1 This passage, from a letter written by the holy Bishop to win
Florinus from his errors, is quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccles.,
lib. v. c. xx.

primitive training of the clergy. 35

constant supply of great men, deeply conscious CHAP. n.
of the weight of their office, and filled with the
spirit of the priesthood. No need to say how
strong was the consequent union between the
chief Pastor and his disciples, his sons in the
faith. The terms higher and lower clergy1 were
then unknown; a later age first uttered them.
And it is difficult to describe what harmonious
order in the Church's government arose from this
communion in learning, this holy intercourse, this
habit of life, this interchange of affection, whereby
the Bishop of old diffused and reproduced him-
self in the young clergy, being to them teacher,
pastor and father ; adding dignity to the compact
body of the priesthood, and securing a healthy
influence over the people. Thus selected and
educated, even a scanty supply of clergy amply
satisfied the wants of the Church ; while the order
of presbyters was so venerated and esteemed, that
even men of the most exalted rank deemed them-
selves honoured by entering it ; the people and
Churches gazed with attention on such as were
destined to it by their Bishops ; 2 while the

1 [" Alto e basso clero." Ital— ED.]

2 In order to mark the importance attributed to the order
of presbyters, it will suffice to recall the words of the Martyrs of
Lyons, in their letter to Pope Eleutherius. St. Irenseus, then only
a priest, was sent on an embassy to the Pope, and was thus

36 Results of primitive training

CHAP. ii. dignity of the priesthood served to exalt yet
more that of the episcopate, which was raised
on so noble a basis ; and thus the priest was
entirely and heartily, and in the natural course
of things, subject to his Bishop.1

XXVII. We cannot wonder if these Bishops

commended by the Martyrs : " We beseech you to regard him as
a man full of zeal for the testimony of Jesus Christ. It is by this
title that we commend him to you. If we thought that rank and
dignity could confer righteousness upon any one, we would cer-
tainly have recommended him as a priest of the Church, for such
he is" (Euseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. v. c. iv.). It is evident that in
our time a priest would not thus be commended to the pope !
In proof of the interest taken by the people and the Churches in
the ordination of a new priest, it is sufficient to recall the rumours
excited when the celebrated Origen was ordained by the most
renowned Bishops of Palestine, among others, Theoctistus of
Caesarea, and St. Alexander of Jerusalem — rumours which are
attributed by St. Jerome to the jealousy of Bishop Demetrius of
Alexandria. In our day the ordination of a priest could never be
the subject of such jealousy or such commotion.

1 In St. Ignatius' letters to various Churches we find strong
commendation of this unity and submission to their Bishop, of
both people and clergy. In the letter to the Trail ians, after praising
their perfect submission to their Bishop Polybius, he says that
Polybius is "the mirror of the love which reigns among his dis-
ciples ; his mere exterior is a great lesson ; his exceeding gentle-
n'ess is his strength, so that even wicked men cannot but respect
him." Again, writing to the Church of Magnesia, he specially
praises its priests for their submission " to their Bishop Damasus,
although in years he is young." In a letter to the Ephesians,
having highly lauded their saintly Bishop Onesimus, he praises
them warmly because they " all were so closely united to him,
especially the presbytery (Trpeo-jSyrepioj/), that is, the clergy, and
because, by grace, they were joined in one accord with priests and
Bishop in the Lord Jesus Christ, breaking together one bread,
which saving remedy confers immortality and preserves from death."

on the progress of Religion. 3 7

kept jealously to themselves the instruction of CHAP. n.
their clergy, when they rarely and with difficulty
could be induced to entrust even that of the
people to other hands ; * believing, as they did,
that Christ had committed to them the whole
flock, both clergy and people ; that to their lips
He had entrusted the Word, and had conferred on
their order, beyond others, the power of giving
mission and grace.

XXVIII. Such being the habits and feelings
of the clergy, the religion of the Crucified had
triumphed over tyrants and heretics, and its
invisible Head destined it to achieve no less .
noble a victory over the barbarian invaders. As
I said before, in sending the barbarian hordes to
destroy the very foundations of society, Divine
Providence intended to set before the world
the power of Christ's Word, which outlives the

1 It was an extraordinary honour when St. Flavian, Bishop of
Antioch, entrusted St. John Chrysostom with the instruction of the
people. Such instances were not common in the Church : and those
Bishops who first permitted presbyters to preach the Gospel, did
so in consequence of the unusual holiness and learning of the men
so trusted. The talents of St. Augustine induced Bishop Valerius
of Carthage to commit to him the instruction of the people, as in
the case of St. Chrysostom. This was the case in the famous school
of St. Mark in Alexandria, where the teachers were always men
eminent for learning and holiness. It was then well understood
what men are worthy to teach the world, above all in the doctrine
of Christ ! By what misfortune is the influence of such a true and
salutary principle forgotten among us ?

38 Temporal troubles how calculated

OHAP. ii. destruction of empires and of all the works of man,
and has power to restore life to dust and skeletons,
and to recreate a ruined society in a form worthy
of itself. It is worthy of note, too, that when
men, essentially social beings, find all the bonds
snapped that bind them together ; when they are
scattered, degraded, resourceless, hopeless, ship-
wrecked amid a sea of disasters, — they will, by a
spontaneous impulse or as a last resource, seek
supernatural aid, and will throw themselves upon
religion. Eeligion is ever welcome to all who
are in trouble ; it can bid a new hope shine
before their eyes, a hope as vast as God Himself,
because it can promise that out of their utter loss
shall spring their eternal gain. Thus Eeligion,
which must always precede the development of
all social institutions, and which outlives their
destruction, is ever found guiding the peoples,
whether in their infancy or in their recovery from
ruin. And this Providential order, which from
the beginning caused all social links, all cultiva-
tion to spring from Eeligion, was preparing the
way destined of God for the work of Christianity
in the Middle Ages. The one true religion was
not inferior in its results to false and imperfect
religions ; and inasmuch as the latter had pro-
moted social union and national progress accord-

to secure influence for the clergy. 39

ing to the little portion of truth that they con- CHAP. n.
tained, so was this done far more effectually by
the Faith which owned the whole Truth, a pure
and full revelation, the grace of Eedemption.

The peoples then, oppressed and harassed with
temporal calamities, had recourse to the shelter-
ing arms of that Religion from which they had
already learnt the awful beauty of things spiritual
and Divine. They sought for the first time from
it earthly succour. And the common Mother of
the faithful, full of love and pity, was deeply
moved by the wants of the harassed and dis-
organized peoples, so that she became their
comfort, their shield, their ruler.

Thus the clergy beheld themselves at the head
of the nations, almost without knowing how.
Having yielded to the irresistible pressure of
compassion in coming to the rescue of a ruined
society, they found themselves suddenly installed
as the fathers of orphaned cities, and as rulers
where government had forsaken its duties. The
Church was all at once overwhelmed with worldly
honours and riches, which flowed in upon her as it
were by their own weight, even as the waters
pour in where landslips have made way for the
advancing sea.

XXIX. It was in the sixth century that these

4O Increased wealth of the clergy

CHAP. ii. new duties first devolved on the clergy. They
were very unwelcome to saintly prelates, who saw
the Church laden with worldly possessions, thereby
losing that holy poverty so much praised by
the early Fathers.1 And they themselves were
weighed down with secular cares, which drew

1 See a famous passage in Origen. As an historical evidence
of the opinions held in his time by the most eminent members
of the Church as to the poverty and liberty of the clergy, it cannot
be set aside. This great teacher of Bishops and martyrs, in
one of his Homilies, publicly delivered at Alexandria, after
speaking of the idolatrous priests to whom the King of Egypt had
given possessions, proceeds, " The Lord does not give earthly
portions to His priests, inasmuch as He Himself wills to be their
portion ; and this is the difference between the two. Give good
heed, all ye who exercise priestly functions ; beware, lest ye be
rather Pharaoh's priests than the Lord's. Pharaoh wills that his
priests should possess lands, and should be occupied with them
more than with souls, or with the Law of God. But what does
Jesus Christ appoint for His priests ? He saith that whoso doth
not leave all and follow Him, cannot be His disciple. I tremble as
t utter the words, for I accuse myself first of all. I speak my own
condemnation ! What are we doing 1 How dare we read ai.
preach such truths to the people ? — we, who not only do not re-
nounce that which we possess, but who even seek to acquire more
than we had before we were the disciples of Jesus Christ '? But
if our conscience condemn us, can we therefore conceal what is
written 1 I will not be guilty of a further crime ! I confess
before all the people this is what the Gospel prescribes ; but I
cannot affirm that I have as yet fulfilled the precept. Since, how-
ever, we know our duty, let us from this moment seek to fulfil it ;
let us seek no longer to resemble Pharaoh's priests, but let us
become priests of the Lord, even as Paul, as Peter, as John, who
had neither gold or silver, but who possessed such riches that not
the whole world could give the like " (In Genes. Horn. xvi. § 5).
This quotation needs no commentary ; every one knows how Origen
himself fulfilled the profession of poverty.

lamented by saintly Bishops. 41

them away from the study of Divine things, and CHAP. IT.
robbed them of time and strength which were
needed for dispensing the Word of Christ to the
faithful, for the education of the clergy, and for
perseverance in public and private prayer.

St. Gregory the Great, the great ecclesiastical
ruler of that age, was deeply afflicted by the perils
which, as he foresaw, must attend upon the new
career thus opened to the Church. His letters are
full of lamentations over the hard circumstances of
the times, which forced him to be more a treasurer
or adjutant of the Emperor than the Bishop of
his flock. " Under the pretext of Church adminis-
tration he was tossed on the waves of worldly
affairs, and often even buried beneath them."1

This he repeats several times, especially in a
letter to Theoctista, sister to the Emperor Maurice.
In it he describes the peace which he had enjoyed
as a humble monk, in order to mark the contrast
of his present troubled life in the Pontificate.
" Under the guise of the Episcopate," he writes, " I
have returned to the world, since in the new state
of things in the pastoral office2 I am burdened

1 Epist., lib. xi. ep. i. Nos enim sub colore ecclesiastic! regimi-
nis, mundi hujus fluctibus volvimur, qui frequenter nos obruunt.

2 This expression, " ex hac moderna pastoralis officii conti-
nentia," shows how new this burden of secular affairs was to the
Episcopate, hitherto unaccustomed to it.

42 5/. Gregory deplores the burden

CHAP. II. with many more worldly cares than I can remember
to have had while a layman. I have lost the lofty
pleasures of my quiet life, and, while to those with-
out I seem to have risen, I feel that I have really
fallen. Therefore I bemoan myself, as cast forth
from the Presence of my Creator. In those days
I continually sought to forsake the world and the
flesh ; to chase all earthly visions from my mental
sight, and to see only the things of God ; crying
not with my voice only, but from the depths of my
spirit, ' My heart hath talked of Thee, Seek ye My
Face; Thy Face, Lord, will I seek' (Ps. xxvii. 9).
Thus, fearing nothing, and desiring nothing that
this world can give, I seemed to be raised above all
earthly cares, so that I almost believed that the
promise given by the Lord through His prophet,
was made good in my own case, ' I will cause thee
to ride upon the high places of the earth.' * For he
is truly raised upon the high places of the earth,
who in his mind spurns all that the world esteems
high and glorious." Having thus described the
happiness of his earlier life of privacy and thought,
he goes on to speak of the episcopal burden laid
upon him, " But from this new elevation I fell into
fear and anguish, not indeed for myself, but for those
committed to me. Thus finding myself buffeted by

1 Isa. Iviii. 14.

of secular cares. 43

the waves of business, and sunk by fortune, I say CHAP. n.
of a truth, ' I am come into deep waters, so that
the floods run over me.' * I seek to retire within
my heart when business is over, but the vain
tumult of thought excludes me. He Who is within
me is thus far from me, and I can no longer obey
the voice which cries, i Turn ye even to Me with
all your heart.' " 2 Thus the holy Father con-
tinues to lament that " amid these earthly cares
he cannot think over the miraculous works of the
Lord, much less preach them publicly," and that
" oppressed by the tumult of secular affairs, he is
as one of those of whom it is written,3 ' Thou
dost set them in slippery places, and castest them
down.' " 4

XXX. Meanwhile it was thus that the Provi-
dence of God, which never fails in its purposes,
brought about the introduction of Christ's Religion
into society, or, more strictly speaking, created a
new Christian society. In the Middle Ages the
Eeligion of Christ penetrated every section of
society : and was spread as healing oil over its
festering wounds, infusing a new life and strength
into the human race which was crushed by cen-

1 Ps. Ixix. 2. 2 Joel ii. 12. 3 Ps. Ixxiii. 17.

4 Epist. , lib. i. ep. 5. The same lamentations are found through-
out the letters of the first book, in letter 121 of the ninth book,
and in letter 1 of book xi.

44 The new Christian civilization.

CHAP. ii. turies of disaster. Beligion took human nature
under her maternal care ; until, in its old age, it
had passed through a strange course of long and
cruel trials and had become once more a little child.
Religion educated this pupil, this child of her
tender love. And henceforward a new seed was
sown in the earth ; it blossomed into all modern
civil institutions. It was public justice ; a thing
essentially Christian, and unknown to the ancient
world. Although human passions ceaselessly try
to shroud it, it will shine for ever. For the
Providence of the Great King has pledged Itself
to maintain His works ; and, while disposing of
all things by the Word of His power, It has
but one aim, the greater glory of the Beloved
Son, and the glorious destinies of His kingdom,
so nobly won. Hence, as might be expected, the
heads of these newly formed nations felt the
strength of a religion which had given them
political being and had blessed their crowns ; and
they displayed hitherto unknown examples of
Christian virtues. This explains why the Middle
Ages produced so many illustrious saints among
the reigning sovereigns of Europe. Their proudest
boast was that they were sons and subjects of the
Church ; they made it the study of their lives
how they might temper a naturally fierce power

Secularization of the clergy. 45

by the gentleness of the Gospel, which they had CHAP. n.
received eagerly from the lips of their Bishops ;
and by the equity of their laws and the piety
and splendour of their royal' estate, they sought
to promote the same object. But herein, too, we
find the reason why, when kings had entered on
the path of holiness, the clergy, on the contrary,
strayed into the ways of corruption, which in the
end cost them the saddest reverses.

XXXI. It was in the natural course of
things, that the clergy, who had at first with
bitter lamentations struggled to free themselves
from the pressure of secular interests and worldly
possessions which were thus forced upon them,
should, after a time, begin to take pleasure in
them and in the occupations which they involved.
These occupations were new to them, and they
were not sufficiently on the alert to guard against
the perils which were close at hand. Thus little
by little they forgot the gentleness and un-
worldly habits befitting pastoral influence, and
there appeared instead, only too plainly, the
rough and earthly temper of civil governments.
They sought to associate with the nobles, and
to emulate their habits, and from that time they
became unwilling to associate with the humble
flock of Christ. From that time political and

46 Delegation of Episcopal duties.

CHAP. II. financial business became their chosen occupation,
and, with the sophistry common to self-indul-
gence, they easily persuaded themselves that they
were thus consulting the Church's best interests.
The Bishops made over to the inferior clergy the
instruction of the people, and the pastoral duties,
which .had now become a burden to themselves.
Hence arose the formation of parishes, which in
the tenth century were first introduced into cities,
under the eyes of the Bishops. The Bishops'
houses ceased to be so many flourishing schools of
ecclesiastical learning and holiness for the young
students who were the hope of the Church ; they
became instead princely courts, over-crowded with
soldiers and courtiers. The glory of these houses
was no longer to be found in the ardent Apostolic
zeal, the deep meditation, or the eloquent instruc-
tions for which they were once renowned ; the
best praise that could be given them was that
they kept in check the rude military temper, and
imposed moderation upon the prevalent license.
All pastoral care of the people was little by
little abandoned to the subordinate clergy, so that
before long they grew to look upon the parish
priest as their Pastor, to the entire exclusion
of the Bishop,1 who by Christ's appointment is

1 Thus, up to the time of St. Gregory, by " pastoral knowledge "

Alienation of presbyters from Bishops. 47

alone their true Pastor. Thus, as the duties and CHAP. n.
interests of the Bishops and the lower clergy
became so divergent, and almost opposed, they
constantly drew more and more apart. The
familiar intercourse of a common life ceased. And
the interviews which took its place were as rare
and brief as possible, having no attraction for
either party ; as is the case between persons in
different ranks of life. The old veneration and
filial love of the priest became a timid subjection,
and the kindly paternal authority of the Bishop
took the airs of a superiority which was by turns
contemptuous and patronizing. Meanwhile the
lower clergy sank in popular esteem, and the
higher clergy acquired a proportionate grandeur
which was more apparent than real.1 Can we

the knowledge of the Bishops was meant ; but now in our seminaries
"pastoral knowledge" means that of the parish priest, and the
Bishop is never even mentioned in books treating of it. This ap-
plication of the word Pastor to the parish priest, to the exclusion
of Bishops, is principally to be attributed to the Protestants, who
cast aside the Episcopate mainly because the Bishops had de-
parted from those duties which were entrusted to them by Christ,
and which in themselves bore testimony to His having instituted
the office. Hence the people lost the idea of the Episcopal office,
and this ignorance was the foundation of Protestant errors and
separations from the Church.

1 In all this, I have said already and would repeat once for all,
I am speaking of the general state of the case. There were many
exceptions. There have always been most saintly Bishops in the
Church.

48 Secularization of the clergy.

CHAP. ii. wonder that much evil should have crept in
amongst a clergy thus degraded ; and that, when
they had become contemptible in the eyes of the
people, their own estimate of the priestly character
should be lowered ? No doubt the holy occupa-
tions of the care of souls, and of preaching, now
given up to the inferior clergy, might have
served to keep up their tone ; but from the
moment that the highest rank of the ministry
became an object of ambition for the sake of its
power and wealth, the presbyter naturally gazed
longingly at it. He envied his Bishop. And thus
the Word of God, the sacrifice, and the sacraments
became merely a lamentable trade, in which the
sin of Judas, who sold his Divine Master, was
daily renewed. In the same way sacred rites,
devotions, prayers, even the very doctrines of the
Faith, were recommended and ministered to the
people according to the return which they yielded
to the clergy. Thus, while the people were ignorant
of much Christian teaching, they were intimately
acquainted with what was taught about suffrages,
benedictions, precepts of the Church, and indul-
gences, which afforded a revenue to the ministers
of the altar. Of a truth they knew more con-
cerning these matters than about many other parts
of Christian knowledge. Thus the priests sank so

Alienation of Bishops and people. 49

low, that they were soon no longer held worthy of CHAP. IT.
the Bishop's attention ; he need not trouble him-
self about an education which was thought un-
necessary for them. Yice abounded ; the attempt
was made to stay it by means of laws and penalties.
Such measures are better suited to secular than
ecclesiastical governments. Although unable to up-
root the moral evil, they did for a while restrain it
within bounds. But, in time, the restraint gave
way before the pressure, and the torrent over-
flowed the whole Church, threatening and visiting
with ruin even her worldly pomp and her temporal
greatness. The Mother of the Faithful was no
longer recognized by her own children ; whole
nations fled from her face ; for the time it was
hidden from their weak sight. The Episcopate saw
itself chastised by God after an unexpected and un-
foreseen fashion. It had persuaded itself that its
interests were forwarded by every foot of ground
that it could grasp, by every addition to worldly
power that it could secure. But while thus absorbed
in petty calculations, it was blind to the fact that
the nations were withdrawing from it. While
the Bishops were forsaking the care of their people
for secular concerns, the people were in turn for-
saking the Bishops, carrying away with them
those interests which are never disjoined from

50 Renewed vigilance of the Bishops.

CHAP. ii. human lives. The Episcopate suddenly found it-
self rejected, set aside, almost effaced, scarcely
discoverable, in hundreds of dioceses. Then, self-
despised, the Bishops voluntarily stepped down
from their thrones. In Germany, France, and
England it was the Bishops themselves who threw
aside the coronet of their regal priesthood ; * they
shook off their lethargy ; they trembled at their own
peril. For although the Episcopate may be chast-
ened, it cannot wholly perish ; Christ has promised
that it shall last to the end of the world. And
one of the first causes of the evil which presented
itself to the Bishops was, the neglected education of
the priesthood; and, in order to meet this difficulty,
they resolved to provide the teaching of seminaries.
XXXII. Seminaries were invented to provide
some kind of education for the clergy, as catechisms
were invented to provide some kind of instruction
for the people. The Bishops had not courage (it
was hardly to be expected of them) to return to
ancient customs, and themselves be the teachers
of their people and clergy. They continued to
depute these duties to the inferior clergy. But
their vigilance was rekindled, and there was a
great restoration of discipline, and reformation in

1 [The author's meaning is somewhat indistinct here ; but the
fortunes and conduct of the episcopate in Germany, France, and
England have been too various to be thus summarily described. — ED.]

Relative disadvantage of seminaries. 5 1

manners. The lower clergy showed great zeal in CHAP. n.
the limited and largely imspiritual sphere of duties
then open to them. But the art which had of old
supplied the Church with great men, with priests
alive to the vastness of their mission, had disap-
peared. The men were wanting who saw in the
Church her sublime grandeur and universality,
and who were, as it seemed, possessed and swayed
by that felt presence of the Word which had
formed the character of the primitive clergy.
That living sense was no longer found which
absorbs the powers of the soul, draws it away
from a passing scene to that which lasts, and
teaches it to snatch from the eternal mansions a
torch wherewith to kindle the whole world. Only
great men, I repeat, can train great men. It is
enough to compare the teachers, if we would
estimate the difference between the disciples.
Alas ! on one side are the ancient Bishops or
some men of the highest distinction in the
Church ; on the other, the young principals of
our seminaries. What a contrast !

XXXIII. Let it be considered with what hesi-
tation and reluctance any school other than the
Bishop's was set on foot even for the people in
better times.1 A separate school for the clergy

1 Yet the popular school of those days did not resemble that of

5 2 Failure of modern seminaries

CHAP. ii. was only allowed in consideration of the great
learning and saintliness of the men to whom it
was entrusted. Thus, for instance, the school of
Alexandria, already mentioned, probably the first of
the kind, was established in the time of St. Mark.1
On the other hand, consider how masters fit to teach
the religion and doctrine of Christ to the clergy
now abound, or at least are thought to abound !
Not only has every diocese its seminary, and
every seminary many teachers, but by reason of
this abundance, and of the facility with which in
these days Bishops can find priests to train their
young clergy, the teachers are usually changed
after a few years of work, in order that they
may be promoted to a less unremunerative post.
Others take their place who are as yet quite
inexperienced, and who perhaps have not yet
acquired the first principles of common sense.
But then they have gone through the routine
of the seminary, that ne plus ultra of modern
ecclesiastical wisdom. When it is over, the

our time. The whole scheme of Christian doctrine was unfolded be-
fore the eyes of the Christian poor, so that both people and clergy
were taught together ; that is, those who aimed at the priesthood
received the necessary preparation to enable them later on to profit
by an ecclesiastical education. So far off from this are we, that
many of our modern ecclesiastics could not understand what I am
saying, and will assuredly be displeased at it.

1 St. Jerome affirms it, De Vir. ill., c. 36. [But cf. Moehler,
K. G. iii. 10, ch.— ED.]

to train capable religious teachers. 53

young ministers of the Altar are, without delay, CHAI>. n.
sent to their work, and thus honourably dispensed
from study. Meanwhile, the theological knowledge
which very young teachers have acquired in a
seminary is fragmentary, or probably limited to
whatever may be necessary in order to enable them
to acquit themselves perfunctorily of those ecclesi-
astical duties which are exacted of them by the
authorities and by public opinion. And this weighty
knowledge has neither root nor coherence in the
young priest's mind ; it has hardly reached his
mind at all. Yet devoid, as he is, of the sympathies
of knowledge, and of its true value, knowing what
he knows as a mere matter of memory, he never-
theless considers himself better fitted for the office
of teacher than a really learned man who might
be promoted to it. Certainly, if mere memory
is required, his pupils may have that ! But the
educational method of his master which St. Clement
of Alexandria describes was far other than a mere
training of memory. " He was as a Sicilian
bee, which sucked the flowers of the apostolic
and prophetic fields, in order that he might form
within the souls of those who heard him the
honey of a pure and uncorrupt knowledge." l

1 Strom, lib, i. Eusebius thinks that the master of whom
St. Clement speaks is Pantsenus, who presided over the famous
Alexandrian school (Hist. , lib. v. c. 11).

54 The Fathers superseded by little manuals.

CHAP. ii. Finally, in these times, when the rate of salary
attached to an office is a sure test of the class
of men who fill it, may we not well doubt the
efficiency of the masters in our seminaries, whose
labours are so ill paid that they are over-joyed
when the day comes for them to leave the semi-
nary for some parochial benefice, which has all
along been their aspiration, rather than continue
their educational career ? 1

XXXIY. If the instruction of the clergy is
entrusted to such feeble hands, it can cause no
wonder that the writings of the saints and the
learned should be set aside in favour of little books,
" adapted for youth," as they say on the title-
page, and put together by persons not much wiser.
It is all after the same fashion, one evil leads to
another ; and the use of these meagre empty

1 It is most essential that in these days the stipends of our
Seminarist teachers should at least be equal to the best parochial
charges, and that these teachers should not be removed from their
collegiate chairs, except to be promoted to some canonry or
capitular dignity, or to the Episcopate. In the celebrated school
of Alexandria, St. Dionysius, St. Heraclas, and the great Saint
Achillas, all three went from the teacher's chair to the Bishop's
throne in that city, which was second only to Rome. But in those
days men had present to their hearing and their minds the words
of the Apostle to Timothy, bidding him find "men able to teach
others also," the doctrines of the Gospel. The Apostle character-
izes such men as "faithful," and bids Timothy "commit" the
faith to them : " et quse audisti a me per multos testes, hsec com-
menda fidelibus hominibus qui idonei erunt et alios docere "
(2 Tim. ii. 2).

Books are classical or onesided. 55

manuals in our schools is the third cause of the CHAP. n.
inadequacy of the education which is given there.
XXXV. There are two kinds of books. There
are solid and classical books, containing the best
wisdom of man, and written by its true represen-
tatives. These books are free from all that is arbi-
trary or barren, whether in method, style, or
teaching. We find in them not merely exact facts
and erudition, but those universal truths, that
healthy fruitful information, which conveys all
that is truly human, all common human feelings,
and needs, and hopes. On the other hand, there
are petty onesided books, the product of indi-
vidual thought, thin and cold ; in which great
truths are minced up and adapted to little minds.
The authors have been so exhausted by producing
them that they convey no impression but that of
effort, and have no power save to mislead. From
such books all who have passed childhood turn
away with contempt, finding in them nothing
that answers to their natures, thoughts, or affec-
tions. Yet our youth is cruelly and obstinately
condemned to the use of these books. Their
natural sense would resist. But too often the
want of something better leads them to the
use of bad books ; or else they acquire a down-
right dislike for study, as well as a concealed

56 Ancient supremacy of Holy Scripture.

CHAP. ii. but deep aversion for all teachers and superiors ;
not to say a life-long hatred for books and for the
truths contained in them. This hatred, hardly per-
ceived by those who feel it, works for the most
part under other forms than that of hatred. It
is apt to conceal itself under any pretext, and
when it becomes manifest is a source of astonish-
ment to him who cherishes it. He was not aware
of its existence and cannot account for it. It has
the semblance of impiety, or of ingratitude towards
teachers, who in all else have been good to their
pupils, and have freely bestowed upon them their
care, their advice, and their love.

XXXYI. In the Church's early days Holy
Scripture was the only text-book on which instruc-
tion, both popular and ecclesiastical, was founded.
This Scripture is really the book of mankind, the
Book (/3i/3Xta), the Scripture proper. In this
volume human nature is portrayed from the begin-
ning to the end. It begins with the origin of the
world, and ends with its future destruction. Here
man recognizes himself in his changeful history.
Here he finds a clear, sure, and final answer to
the great questions which he is ever asking him-
self; and while his mind is satisfied by its wisdom
and its mysteriousness, his heart is provided for
by its rules of life and its revelation of grace.

Its unrivalled attractions. 57

It is that " great " book which the Prophet says CHAP. n.
is written, " With a man's pen." * In it the
Eternal Truth speaks according to all those
modes in which man's speech is fashioned :
at one time it narrates, then it teaches ; now it
speaks in proverbs, now in song ; the memory is
fed with history, the imagination charmed with
poetry, the intellect enlightened with wisdom ;
and the feelings kindled by all these at once. Its
doctrine is so simple that the unlearned man may
think it framed specially for himself; and so sublime
that the wisest doctor cannot hope to fathom it. The
words seem to be human, but it is God Himself
Who speaks. Thus St. Clement of Alexandria
says, "Holy Scripture kindles a fire in the soul, and
at the same time guides the mind's eye to con-
templation, now casting the seed into our hearts,
as the husbandman sows it in the earth, now caus-
ing to germinate that which we already possess." 2
If such words are applicable to general literature,
much more properly may they be applied to the
Word of God.

XXXYII. Such was the Book of our Chris-
tian schools. And this great Book, in the hands
of the great men who expounded it, was the
nourishment of other great men. As long as the

1 Isaiah viii. 1. 2 Strom., lib. i.

58 Of old the Bishops were the chief teachers.

CHAP. ii. Bishops were themselves the teachers of the people
and the clergy, they were also the authors who
wrote for the Church and the public. Hence
nearly all the chief [Christian] works of the first
six centuries are the works of Bishops. It is an
exception to the rule when we find any work of
those times which had not an Episcopal origin.
The exception occurs only in the case of some
remarkable minds, as were Origen, Tertullian,
and others, who attained to the post of Christian
teachers by reason of their great merits. These
Episcopal writings mark a second stage in the
history of the books used for the instruction of
youth in our Christian and ecclesiastical schools.
These works were bequeathed as a legacy to the
lower clergy, when the Bishops were forced, by
the general collapse of government and society, and
by the widespread demands upon their sympathy
and assistance, to forsake labours hitherto con-
sidered inseparable from their pastoral office. The
training of the people and the clergy gradually fell
to the inferior clergy ; * at first chiefly to those who

1 I say gradually, for such changes are never made rapidly or
generally. Fleury, speaking of the five centuries that followed
the first six, says, " The method of instruction continued the same
as in early times. The cathedrals or monasteries were the schools,
where the Bishop himself taught, or else some of his clerks, or
some learned monk appointed by him, so that the disciples at once
obtained knowledge of Church truths, and were trained in the

Ediication conducted by canons and monks. 59

were most closely connected with the Bishops, CHAP. n.
and most venerated for their religious lives, that
is, the canons, and the monks, who at this period
were enabled by Providence to meet the pressing
wants of the Church.1 This section of the clergy,
succeeding to the Bishops as trainers of Christian
youth, lay and ecclesiastical, reverently received
the precious inheritance from the venerable Fathers
of the Church, and looked upon it as a safe

duties of the ministry and in devotional habits, under their Bishop's
eye" (Eccles. Hist, from the year 600 to 1100).

1 " Most of the schools were in monasteries ; and the cathe-
drals in some countries, England and Germany, for instance, were
served by monks. The canons, whose government dates from the
middle of the eighth century, with the Rule of St. Chrodegang, led
a monastic life, and their houses were called monasteries. I con-
sider the monasteries to have been the chief means used by
Providence to preserve religion in those miserable times. They
were a refuge for learning and holiness, while ignorance, vice, and
barbarism overflowed the outer world. Then the old traditions
were followed in the sacred offices, and in the practice of Christian
virtues, which were handed down from the elder to the younger.
They also preserved the writings of earlier ages, and multiplied
copies of them. This, indeed, was one of the chief occupations
of religious houses, and without the monks' libraries we should have
preserved but few books" (Fleury, ibid. § xxii.). The Bishop lived
with his canons, thus preserving for a long time the primitive
tradition of episcopal life. When secular distractions put an end
to this pious community life, councils, led by zealous Bishops,
endeavoured to reform the ecclesiastical life upon the old model,
so that the same spirit has survived in the Church, and she strives
ceaselessly to repair her losses. We all know that St. Charles
wished to live in community life with his clergy: in short, the
desire has never been forgotten by the Church, and her wishes and
aims have always tended that way.

60 Lack of originality in later writers.

CHAP. ii. model for their guidance. Thus for a long time
the ancient Bishops continued to teach through
their writings. But there was a wide difference
between the living presence and voice, and the
mere written words, in themselves lifeless, and not
often rekindled into life by the teachers of those
hapless times. During the next five centuries,
the clergy of the second order did not attempt
anything original. They merely repeated the
lessons and teaching which they had received from
the early Fathers ; 1 either because they knew them-
selves to be no masters in Israel, as the Bishops had
been, or because their mental activity had suffered
from the sad circumstances of the times, when the
world was filled with wars, devastation, and misery.
When the invasions had ceased, and the barbarians
had established themselves in the countries which
they had overrun, the new teachers began to write
books which corresponded with the condition of the
writers. The books fell as far short of those of the
ancient Bishops in authority, dignity of language,

1 Fleury, speaking of the monks, says, "They studied the
doctrines of the faith in Holy Scripture and the Fathers, and
the discipline in the Canons. They had little craving for knowledge,
and little originality, but a profound veneration for the ancient
authors, confining themselves to the study of these, copying, com-
piling, abridging from them. We see this in the writings of Bede,
Rabanus, and other mediaeval theologians ; they are wholly taken
from the Fathers of the first six centuries, and this was the surest
way to preserve tradition" (Hist. Eccles. § xxi.).

Medieval compendiums of theology. 61

and accurate thought, as the authors were inferior CHAP. n.
in weight and bearing to those old leaders of
the Church. Such works could not have the
stamp of originality. They were compendiums or
summaries in which the Christian doctrines were
scientifically registered. They were required to
furnish an easier method of learning the old
tradition of the Church ; with the lapse of time the
documents had greatly multiplied and the study
had become too vast. These compendiums mark
the epoch of scholastic theology, which may be
termed the characteristic work of the presbyters as
teachers. The first and most celebrated was com-
piled in the twelfth century by the Master of
Sentences, Peter Lombard. The idea of epitomising
the doctrines scattered through the vast literature
of ecclesiastical tradition was excellent. Those
documents were inevitably full of repetitions,
which add not a little to the student's labour.
But the compendiums did not confine themselves
to stating succinctly that which had often been
repeated ; they also stripped Christian doctrine of
all that referred to the heart and other faculties,
content if they satisfied the intellect. * Thus these
new books failed to impress mankind as had the

1 St. Bernard, St. Bonaventura, and some others, are noble
exceptions ; they wrote with all the dignity of the early Fathers.

62 The priesthood as formed

CHAP. ii. older writings. They touched a single side or
faculty of man's nature, not man himself. Thus
scholasticism acquired that narrow onesided
character, which separated its disciples from the
rest of the world ; they gave up common sense
for the subtleties of reason. It was a natural
result. It was natural that the Bishop, who
is not a mere teacher, but also a father1 and
pastor, whose mission is not only to demon-
strate truth, but to make men love it, and
save men through it, should in his instruc-
tions be explicit, persuasive and searching. The
priest can do less ; he feels himself to be less
responsible ; he is content with putting truth
with cold exactness before disciples who almost
argue with him as with an equal ,• 2 his method
is scientific ; it is not persuasive, adapting itself
variously to various minds ; it is moulded upon
the objective sequence of doctrines which is
absolute and unvarying ; it avoids all amplifi-
cation ; and it introduces that element of rational-

1 St. Clement of Alexandria says, " We call those who catechized
us fathers. He who is taught is the son, who gathers up the sub-
stance of that in which he is instructed ; and in this sense
the Scripture says, ' My son, forget not my law' (Prov. iii. 1)."
(Strom, i. 270 b.).

2 This is the reason why the doctors of these later centuries
followed the philosophy of Aristotle, while those of the first six
centuries had greater sympathy with that of Plato.

by scholastic teaching. 63

ism which in the sixteenth century was fully CHAP. u.
developed into Protestantism,1 under which sacred

1 Protestantism, which in our time has forsaken revelation, and
takes its stand on pure reason (that is, on a systematic reason
which is not reason), is the full and perfect development of that
rationalistic element which the schoolmen introduced into the
Christian faith. This element of rationalism has not been without
its influence among Catholics, that is, among that portion of the
Christian world which did not venture to follow this development
on to its extreme point, which involves forsaking the Church and
revelation itself. It bore, even among these, some of the fruit we
might look for from such a root. In dogmatic theology it generated
the disputes between Catholic schools, which became irreconcilable,
chiefly concerning the doctrines of Grace ; while in civil and
canonical law, it produced such cavils as marred the usefulness of
the best laws. In morals, the effect was not dissimilar, for it led
to all that was said and done with respect to the subject of
probabilism, which had much to do with the lowered tone
of morals among Christian peoples, a falling away to be
attributed as much to the influx of what was called laxity, as
of what was called rigorism. The theological battles which so
greatly marred union among the clergy are too well known to
need dwelling on. Fleury writes thus concerning the cavils of the
men of the law in the thirteenth century : " Examine the Canons of
the great Lateran Council, and still more those of the first Council
of Lyons, and you will see to what an extreme point the subtlety
of litigants had attained in eluding the laws, and making them
serve as clokes for injustice, the which I call the spirit of sophistry.
The advocates and practitioners who were ruled by this spirit were
clerks, who then alone studied civil or canonical jurisprudence,
medicine, and the other sciences. If mere vanity and ambition could
suggest to philosophers and theologians such evil sophistries, over
which they contended ceaselessly, how much more would the greed
of gain excite lawyers? And what could be hoped for from
such a clergy? The spirit of the Gospel is sincerity, candour,
love, disinterestedness. These clerks, who were devoid of such
virtues themselves, were little qualified to teach them to others "
(Discours v. Hist. Eccles. , § xvii. ). As to the effect on morals of
the predominance given to human reason in the schools, Fleury

64 Subsequent imitation of the schoolmen.

CHAP. ii. knowledge and the religion of Christ were taken
from the hands of the clergy, and were completely
secularized.

XXXYIII. Scholastic summaries and com-
pendiums reached their climax of perfection in
the work of St. Thomas Aquinas, in the thir-
teenth century. Later teachers in the schools
of Christianity, down to our times, while they
have doubtless made great advances in history,
criticism, languages, and elegance of style, have
done nothing for doctrine but follow the school-
men, repeating, glossing, abbreviating, much
as the teachers in the ages following the first six
centuries had done with respect to the Fathers.
Nor is this an invidious comparison ; every one who

expresses an opinion in which some do not agree : " The worst
result of the logical method (that is, the method which teaches
us to seek everywhere the pro and contra, as the schoolmen did)
is a despair of finding the truth, which led to the introduction and
authorization in morals of the probabilist opinions." The evil was
not their introduction, but their abuse. "In fact, this side of
philosophy was not better treated in our schools than elsewhere.
Our doctors, having the habit of contesting everything, and of
finding out all probabilities, did the same as to morals, and they
were often tempted to stray from the right path by flattery of their
own or other men's passions. This was the origin of the laxity so
evident in the more recent casuists, which did not begin till the end
of the thirteenth century. Those doctors were satisfied with a cer-
tain calculation of proportions, the result of which did not always
agree with the Gospel or with good sense ; but they forced all
to harmonize by the subtlety of their distinctions " (Hist. Eccles.,
dis. v. § ix.).

The successors of the schoolmen. 65

looks below the surface will find it to be true. The CHAP. n.
restoration of letters, in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, drew the attention of men, who, for-
saking speculation for the charms of imagination
and feeling, let go the nervous fibre of Christian
philosophy. It died out, as before, the dignity and
fulness of doctrinal statement had died out. The
importance of the leading intrinsic reasons for
Christian doctrine was overlooked, though these
were still retained by the best of the schoolmen ;
just as they themselves had lost sight of the import-
ance of the grand and full exposition of truth
in use among the Fathers. The schoolmen had
impoverished Christian philosophy by despoiling
it of all that belonged to feeling and that gave it
moral power. Their disciples (how should they be
superior to their teachers ?) curtailed it still further,
casting aside everything in it that was deepest, most
central, most real, avoiding its noblest principles
under pretext of facilitating study, but really be-
cause they themselves did not understand them.
Thus they reduced the science of religion to mate-
rialized formulas, isolated deductions, practical re-
marks such as the clergy could not dispense with,
if they wished to present religious matters to the
people, under the outward guise which had always
been customary in past times. And this is the

66 Text-books used in seminaries.

CHAP. ii. fourth and last epoch in the history of books
used in the schools of Christianity : the epoch of
theologians succeeding to schoolmen. By these
steps — Holy Scripture, the Fathers, schoolmen, and
theologians — we have come at last to those mar-
vellous text-books now used in our seminaries,
which instil so much would-be wisdom, so poor an
opinion of our predecessors. These books, I believe,
will, in the more hopeful future days of the im-
perishable Church, be considered to be the most
meagre and the feeblest that have been written
during the eighteen centuries of her history.
They are books without life, without principles,
without eloquence, and without system ; * although
by a set and regular arrangement of materials,
which takes the place of system, they show that
the authors have exhausted their intellectual re-
sources. They are the product neither of feeling,
nor talent, nor imagination ; they are not epis-
copal nor priestly, but in every sense lay ; they

1 To cite some most learned writers, Tournely, or Gazzaniga.
Certainly they wrote a large, very erudite work on Grace. But
it is only quite at the end that they just glance at the question,
" In what the essence of grace consists ;" leaving it unsolved, as
rather a matter of curiosity than one of importance. But is it not
of foremost importance to know the essence and nature of the
thing treated of? Is it not necessary to know the nature of a
thing, in order to give a good definition of it ? And is not defi-
nition the fertile source from whence should issue all further
discussions on a subject ?

No adequate system of training. 67

require only masters able to read mechanically, CHAP. ir.
and pupils who can listen as mechanically.

XXXIX. If the little books and little teachers
go together, can a great school be formed out of
such elements ? or can they aim at a dignified
system of instruction ? No. And this defect
of system is the fourth and last cause of the
Wound in the Church now under review, the
insufficient education of the clergy in our times.
We said that the habits of the clergy became de-
moralized when the schoolmen separated the educa-
tion of the heart from that of the intellect.1
Later the attempt was made to correct the exces-
sive demoralization which had naturally ensued :
and then in our well-regulated seminaries we find
a good, or at least decent manner of life. But the
root of the evil was left untouched ; no one tried

1 Fleury, speaking of the young students of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, says, "Dare I call attention to the customs
of our students, such as I have described them in my history,
following the testimony of contemporaneous authors? You will
see that they were constantly fighting, either among themselves, or
with the citizens ; that their privilege was to deny the right of the
secular judges to try them for their misdeeds ; that the Pope was
obliged to concede to the Abbot of St. Victor power to absolve them
from the excommunication pronounced by the Canon law against all
such as struck a clerk ; that their disputes began, for the most part,
with drinking and debauchery at the common inns, often leading on
to violence and murder. In short, you will find the hateful portrait
drawn from life by Jacopo di Vitri. Yet all these students were
clerks, destined to serve or govern the Church " (Discours v. § x.).

68 Knowledge and holiness, how related.

CHAP. ii. to counteract the fatal separation of theory and
practice, or once more to make fathers of the
teachers. St. Chrysostom says, "To be a father,
it is not enough to have governed, but you must
also carefully educate a young man."1 Nothing
was done beyond propping up and strengthening
the failing morality. But assuredly this is not
enough for the Church. The morality of the clergy
ought to spring from and be sustained by the
fulness and solidity of their knowledge of the
doctrine of Christ, inasmuch as we want not
merely respectable men, but Christians and priests
enlightened and sanctified by union with Christ.
This was the leading principle and foundation of
the system followed in the first centuries ; know-
ledge and holiness were closely combined, the one
springing from the other. It may be truly
said that knowledge sprang from holiness, since
the former was sought solely out of love to the
latter ; knowledge was sought after so far as it
was essential to holiness, and no other knowledge
was desired. Thus all was combined. In this
combination we find the true spirit of that doc-
trine which is destined to save the world : it is no
ideal doctrine, but practical and real truth. Once

1 Ou rb oTreTpoi woiet TTOTC/JO yu&vov, dAAa «ot T& 7rot5et/(rot Ka\cas (De

Anna, serm. i. § 3). [Ros. transl. airfTipm by "aver governato "-
not accurately. — ED.]

Example of Papias. 69

take away from it its holiness, and can we believe CHAP. u.
that the wisdom taught by Christ remains? It
would be a delusion to think it ; esteeming our-
selves wise, we should be but fools; we should
mistake a vain and lifeless shadow for the living
doctrine of Christ.

XL. Let us see with what a holy longing
after practical truth Papias, a celebrated disciple
of the Apostles, pursued his studies. Eusebius,
in his history, quotes Papias as saying, that he
sought not the society of those who talked much,
but of those who could teach him the truth. He
did not seek those who published abroad new
doctrines invented by men, but those who adhered
to the rules our Lord had left for the support of
our Faith, and observed by the Truth Himself.
Whenever he came upon any who were disciples
of the first Fathers, he eagerly gathered up all
their words. He would ask them, what St. Andrew,
St. Peter, St. John, St. Philip, St. Thomas, St.
James, St. Matthew had said, or any other disciple
of Jesus Christ, such as Aristion or the aged John.
For he held the teaching gathered from books to
be less profitable than that which he received from
the lips of those with whom he spoke. And he
noted in his writings that he was the disciple
of Aristion and John the aged, often quoting

/o True value of oral instruction.

CHAP. 11. them, and repeating things he had learnt from
them.1

• In this description given by Eusebius, we see
how strongly that characteristic of Christ's doc-
trine — the love of truth which improves us, apart
from idle curiosity — induced holy men in primitive
times not so much to seek knowledge, as to
gaze with the soul's eye into truth ; to feed
on it inwardly, as on living bread. Hence
they greatly preferred oral instruction to that of
books, especially as to the sacred mysteries.2 And
their disciples felt the practical benefit of the
system. One of the most valuable points in this
system employed by those great minds in forming
other great minds was that the instruction did
not end with the brief daily lesson. It was
continued in the constant intercourse of the
disciple with his master, of the young ecclesi-
astic with his venerable Bishop. This advantage
was lost when education was given up to the

1 Euseb., bk. iii. c.

2 The disciplina arcani was expressly intended to prevent
the most sublime truths being set before those who were un-
worthy to hear them. Those great doctrines were only taught
orally, and then to none save to long-tried disciples, who had
proved themselves worthy by their consistent perseverance in
aiming at a holy life. The early writers allude to this caution and
reverence for revealed truth ; it is enough to cite Clement of
Alexandria, who speaks of it in the first book of the " Stromata," as
well as in other works.

What teachers of the Gospel must be. 7 1

inferior clergy ; to mere instructors who were not CHAP. n.
pastors.1

XLI. Knowledge may be had by all, good and
bad. But the truth and practice of the Gospel are
found only among the good. Hence where know-
ledge only is taught, there is no need for anxiety
as to the morals of the teachers. But of old this
point was carefully investigated. The truth which
was to be taught was holy truth, and it was held
to be indispensable that he who taught it should
himself be holy.2 Nor will the selection of dis-

1 Even in seeking to remedy the deficient education of the
clergy, the root of the evil was not reached. One remedy was the
foundation of universities ; but these only divided clergymen still
more from their Bishops, as they do still. Fleury says, " Another
defect in universities is, that masters and pupils are all clerks, some
beneficed. But they were all occupied with their studies, to the
exclusion of duties belonging to Holy Orders, except those in church.
Thus the pupils never learnt those things which are taught by prac-
tice— the art of instruction, the administration of the Sacraments, the
guidance of souls. They might have learnt these in their own coun-
try, by watching the priests and Bishops, and serving under them.
The doctors of the university were doctors and nothing more,
absorbed in speculation, and having full leisure to write endlessly
upon all manner of useless questions, which were so many subjects
of strife and dispute, every one seeking to subtilize more than the
rest. In the primitive times the doctors were Bishops, who were
engrossed with weightier occupations " (Discours v. § x.).

2 Another instance which shows how all things work together,
and the bad system involves bad teachers. How unlike the noble
views entertained of old of the Christian teacher ! How much was
required of him ! In a celebrated sermon of St. Gregory Nazianzen,
" Of Theology," he describes at length what he who teaches theology
should be : " Not every one/' he says, " isfit to philosophize concern-
ing Divine truths ; those alone should do so whosare pure in body and

72 Respect due to Sacred Truth.

CHAP. II. ciples be good, where the main object is only
scientific, instead of being truly moral as well.
Wherever, on the contrary, the wisdom of holi-
ness is chiefly considered, great pains would be
taken to remove from a school all those who are
not actuated by a holy desire for this wisdom.
This was done in early times, when a wise
selection of men for the service of the sanctuary
was easier. This was the received test which
showed who had a vocation or not, and the young
men who sought admittance into the schools, knew
what was expected of them, and what they came
to learn. Moreover holy and practical truth has this
superiority over merely ideal truth, that it inspires
respect and veneration in those who learn and in
those who teach, by reason of its own sacred and
Divine nature. And therefore such as hold the
sublime mission of communicating it to others,
ought wholly to shrink from wasting it on
those who are unworthy, as in so doing they
join in profaning its holiness. They must feel
the force of our Lord's words, when He for-
bade His disciples to " cast pearls before swine."

soul, or who at least seek to be such, and are advanced in contem-
plation of holy things "(Orat. xxxiii. and Orat. xxxix.). St. Clement
of Alexandria (Strom., lib. L, Pedag. in f.) treats at length of the
disinterestedness, the spiritual light, and the holiness necessary for
those who would teach sacred things.
1 St. Matt. vii. 6.

Alexandrian reserve in teaching. 73

For this reason the primitive teachers, as de- CHAP. n.
scribed by Clement of Alexandria, " made long
trial, choosing from among their pupils the one who
was most apt to listen to their words ; watching
his conversation, his way of life, his movements,
his dress, his manner, and investigating whether
he were sand or rock, or trodden footpath, or
fertile ground, or thicket, or good field, fruitful
and well tilled, wherein the seed might multiply."
" They imitated Christ," says the same St. Clement,
" in that He did not reveal to the many those
things which were not meant for the many, but to
the few, for whom He knew they would be suit-
able ; because these could not only receive but
model themselves upon them ; that is to say, they
could correspond to the truth which they received
in their minds, by the rectitude of their lives." *
According to this plan, there would be but few
priests. Well ; Clement makes no other answer
to this objection save, " Pray ye the Lord of the
harvest, that He would send forth labourers into
His harvest."2

XLII. Another result followed from the prin-
ciple, that " ecclesiastical instruction should convey
the living Word of Christ, and not human and
lifeless words." All the sciences were voluntarily

1 Strom., lib. i., 273 c. sqq. 2 Strom., lib. i.

74 Spirit of early Christian instruction.

CHAP. ii. subject to religious truth. In it they found
a point of unity ; and thus they paid their debt
of service and homage to Christ, and the minds
of men were better disposed to appreciate the
beauty and value of Gospel wisdom. There were
not in those days two educations ; one pagan
and the other Christian ; one teaching profane
science in a profane spirit, and the other teaching
ecclesiastical science ; one opposed and hostile
to the other. Young men were not corrupted by
an infusion of the spirit of heathen authors, and
by crooked and worldly aims in work which were
later on to be counteracted and corrected by the
maxims of the Christian Church. One sole aim was
set before them, and one only doctrine was to guide
them, that of Christ ; and thus even profane studies
did but serve to strengthen their faith. It was
owing to such a system that we find Origen
coming forth from the school of Pantaenus, and
Gregory Thaumaturgus from the school of Origen.1

1 St. Jerome says that Origen made use of profane knowledge to
lead into the faith the philosophers and learned men who came to
hear him (D. V. M. c. 54). In the oration delivered by Gregory
Thaumaturgus (the most illustrious of Origen's disciples), at the
close of his studies, he describes the method by which Origen had
trained him; by which it appears that the first step had been the
correction of his manners, passing on to various sciences all so
ordered as to strengthen and mould the pupil's faith. Origen used
no compendiums, but read all the chief philosophic writings with

Unity of early Christian instruction. 75

XLIIL At the same time that all education CHAP. n.
gained unity by the unity of its principle, and
the single aim of really Christian studies, all
other studies were completed and perfected by
its means. All was gathered together, especially
Eeligion ; her secret mysteries, her profound prin-
ciples, her noble precepts ; in a word, her whole
system. There were no arbitrary exclusions,
no unjust preferences of one point of doctrine to
another. The Word of Christ was loved ; it alone
was sought ; and hence the desire to discover
in it all that could be explored. And inasmuch as
men sought in that Word the hidden life, it was

his pupil, pointing out to him wherein they were in error and
wherein true. After these preliminary studies, by which he formed
the young man's mind, he inspired him with a longing for the
highest and most perfect doctrines ; and ended by setting the Holy
Scriptures before him, by which he was to attain to the doctrines of
God. I know that in our day we cannot give up compendiums, but
I know, too, that we shall never do anything with them alone ; we
shall not even succeed in starting the student on the highroad of
true learning. Their true use is to sum up briefly what has been
studied fully in great authors ; these must be read and explained .
Certainly all cannot be read, but some part may be ; and that part
will suffice to inspire the student, to give him an idea of the
grandeur of Christian knowledge, even as from the foot of Hercules
it could be seen what the whole man was. — But in this way we
should not get even the outlines of science in general ? — If mere out-
lines are required, no doubt these may be found in compendiums :
this, and no other, is their proper use. The knowledge which such a
system will give the student will be as though a painter's disciple
saw his master design a picture and partly colour it, leaving the
pupil to finish it after his master's style of colouring.

76 Improvement only possible through

CHAP. ii. communicated amidst prayers and tears, and sacred
services : whence was derived the grace that
supernaturally fed with the light of truth souls
that were craving for righteousness.1

1 St. Clement of Alexandria, when discussing the acquisition of
knowledge, always joins thereto the Sacraments of Christ. He would
have the Master not a mere teacher, but a husbandman giving all his
thought and care to the delicate plants he tends. He adds, u There is
a double tillage — one without books, another with them. In both
systems that husbandman of the Lord who has sown good seed,
watched the ears grow, and gathered in the harvest, will be indeed
a labourer for God. The Lord says, ' Labour not for the meat that
perisheth, but for that which endureth unto life eternal.' We may
understand by that meat food, and also the Word. Of a truth
blessed are the peacemakers who draw those hitherto lost in error
from their miserable condition, teaching them what is true, and
leading them into peace, which is found in the Word, and in the
life of God ; blessed too are they who feed with good food those
who hunger after righteousness " (Strom., i. 272 c). Here we see
how this disciple of the Apostles united together the giving of bread
with the teaching of the Word ; he had before compared instruction
with the Eucharist. He always describes the teacher of holy things
in a similar way — saying that he should be a heavenly labourer,
a pastor, a minister of God, and as he says soon after, " even one
with God Himself ! " Origen, Clement's disciple, holds the same
language. " None," he says, "should listen to the Word of God
who is not sanctified in body and soul, since he is shortly to enter
in to the wedding feast ; he is to eat the Flesh of the Lamb, and to
drink the cup of salvation " (In Exod., Horn. xi.). Is not this a
noble union of the Divine Sacrament with the Word ? One more
passage from the same author ; it is in a Homily taken down from
his lips : " O ye who are wont to be present at the Mysteries, well
do ye know with what care and respect ye receive the Body of the
Lord, fearful lest the least particle should fall, since ye would
esteem yourselves most guilty, were the smallest crumb to be lost ;
and if ye use so many precautions to preserve His Body, think ye
it is less guilty to despise His Word ? " (In Exod., Horn, xxiii.).

the united action of the Bishops. 77

XLIY. Ah, who will restore such a system CHAP. 11.
to the Church, the only system worthy of her ?
Who will restore to the schools of the priest-
hood their great books, and their great teachers ?
Who, in a word, will heal the deep Wound
of an insufficient education of the clergy, which
daily weakens and grieves the Bride of Christ ?
None can do it save the Bishops. Theirs is the
commission to rule her ; theirs the miraculous
gift of healing her when she is sick : but it is
theirs when they are united, not when divided and
scattered asunder. We need for this great work
the whole episcopal body joined together in one,
both in will and deed. But it is precisely this
union which is lacking in these evil times among
the Pastors of the Holy Church. And herein lies
the third Wound of the Church, which is by no
means less cruel than those of which we have
already spoken.

CHAPTER III.

tfje OTounb fa tfte gbfoe of tfie f^olg C&urc!),
f* tlje Bfsum'on of tf>

XLY. BEFORE the Divine Founder of the Church
left the world, He prayed His Heavenly Father
that His Apostles might be joined together in
a perfect union, even as He and the Father were
perfectly One, having one and the same Nature.
This suhlime union, of which the God-man spake
in His wonderful prayer after the Last Supper
and just before His Passion, was chiefly an inward
unity, a unity of faith, of hope, of love. But to
this inward unity, which can never be wholly
wanting in the Church, there should correspond
an external union ; as the effect follows on its
cause, as the expression on the thing expressed, as
the fabric embodies the type or design to which it is
due. " One body and one spirit," the Apostle says.1

1 Eph. iv. 4.

Unity of the Apostolic Church. 79

This includes everything ; inasmuch as the body CHAP. in.
signifies union in the sphere of external and visible
things, and the spirit union in respect of things
which are invisible to our bodily sight. He adds,
" One Lord, one Faith, one Baptism, one God and
Father of all, Who is above all, and through all,
and in you all." * Here, once more, is the Unity
of the Divine Nature set forth as the momentous
foundation of that union which should exist among
men ; those scattered believers whom Christ has
gathered under His wings, " as a hen gathereth her
chickens," and has formed them into His one
Church. Here too is the ground of that unity in
the Episcopate of Christ's Church, of which the
first Bishops thought so highly, and of which St.
Cyprian treats so eloquently in his book " on the
unity of the Church."

XLYI. Yery remarkably did the Apostles
maintain this twofold unity. As to the inward
unity, they shared in common one and the same
doctrine, and one and the same grace. As to
outward unity, one among them was first,2 and the
origin of the one Episcopate, as the great Bishop
and Martyr of Carthage says, which all possessed

1 Eph. iv. 5, 6.

2 "Deus unus est " (so writes St. Cyprian in a letter), "et
Christus unus, et una Ecclesia, et Cathedra una super Petrum,
Domini voce fundata" (Ep. xl.). [Ed. Fell, xliii. ad plebem].

80 Strength resulting from sense of unity.

CHAP. HI. in its entirety.1 To one alone was given in par-
ticular that which was given to all in general, and
upon one, as upon a single and individual rock,
was built that Church of which all, together with
him, were equally the foundation.2

XLVII. The consciousness of this perfect Unity
in the hierarchy, in itself the beautiful expression
and faint reflection of their inward spiritual union,
strengthened the first successors of the Apostles.
Scattered as they were throughout the world,
they yet felt themselves to be a single commis-
sioned authority. Thus they realized the Divine
Ideal of a beneficent Power, which, like God
Himself, was found everywhere. This wonderful
unity they knew to be the last heritage of Christ
to His chosen ones, before His death ; that is,
before He shed the blood which sealed this His
new and eternal testament. Of a truth, the
unity of His chosen ones, typified in the Eu-
charistic Bread and in the seamless garment
which covered His Sacred Flesh, was the ulti-
mate aim of the prayers of Christ, the desired
fruit of His infinite sufferings. For He had
asked of the Father, " Keep through Thine own

1 " Episcopatus unus est, cujus a singulis pars in solidum
tenetur " (Lib. de Unit. Eccles. § 4).

2 [But cf . Langen, Vat. Dogm. p. 13, sqq. ; Hussey, Rise of Papal
Power, Lect. I. ; Macaire, Theol. Dogm. Orth. ii. p. 246 sqq.— ED.]

Unity, how maintained. 81

Name those whom Thou hast given Me, that they CHAP. in.
may be one."1

XLYIII. This great idea of Unity having
entire possession of the minds of the early Bishops,
and still more of their hearts, they neglected nothing
which might bind them together. They were not
content that all should maintain an absolute oneness
of Faith, and an equal love for the body of Pastors.
They went further, — and this was of the highest
importance to the wise government of the Church—
they desired nothing more ardently, they had, we
may say, nothing more at heart, than a perfect
unanimity of action. Any one who considers the
vast extent of the Church's rule — • scattered as she
is among all nations — cannot but marvel to behold
everywhere such unity of doctrine, of discipline,
even of usages ; while the points of difference are
few and unimportant.

XLIX. But whence arose this Unity ? How
was it rendered permanent ?

1. By the personal intercourse of the Bishops.
It began for the most part before they became
Bishops, as a natural consequence of the lofty
type of education of those great men from among
whom the Church selected her prelates. They had

1 " Pater sancte, serva eos in Nomine Tuo quos dedisti Mihi :
ut Bint unum, sicut et Nos " (St. John xvii. 11).

G

82 Constant personal communication

CHAP. in. generally been fellow-disciples under other great
Bishops,1 or they had sought to become known to
each other by journeys arranged for that especial
purpose. In those days men did not spare long
and wearisome journeys, in order to obtain the
sight of any one celebrated for his holiness and
his teaching, to enjoy the privilege of hearing
him, and of sharing his intercourse. This was
because in those times it was held that books
alone did not suffice for wisdom, in the sense
then attributed to the word, which was, not a
barren knowledge, but a living intelligence, a deep
feeling, a practical conviction. On the contrary,
it was believed that the presence, the voice, the

1 For instance, St. John Chrysostom was trained under St. Mele-
tius of Antioch,and Socrates records that the holy Bishop, perceiving
the good dispositions of the youth, kept him ever at his side, bap-
tizing him after three years' instruction, appointing him reader,
and later ordaining him subdeacon and deacon. With St. John
Chrysostom, were Theodorus and Maximus, who later became
Bishops of Mopsuestia in Cilicia, and Seleucia in Isauria. Diodorus
who trained them in the ascetic life, was Bishop of Tarsus. Basil,
St. John Chrysostom's friend, was early raised to the Episcopate.
Here we find a whole nest of Bishops, who had been friends before
they attained that dignity. To take an instance from the West.
Look at the School of St. Valerian of Aquileia : — at the time he
visited St. Jerome, besides Heliodorus who was later a Bishop, that
school contained many learned and pious priests, deacons, and
lower ministers, such as the celebrated Rufinus, Jovinus, Euse-
bius, Nepotian, Bonosus, etc. It is well known that the house,
or rather the monastery of St. Augustine in Africa was a nursery of
future Bishops.

among teachers in the Ancient Church. 83

gestures, even the commonest actions of great men l CHAP. m.
had a virtue which communicated itself to others ;
a virtue able to kindle sparks of fire in young
minds which, without such contact, would remain
passive. St. Jerome went from Dalmatia to Eome
to seek his early education ; thence he travelled in
Gaul, visiting all the well-known men who dwelt
there ; thence on to Aquileia in order to hear the
Bishop St. Valerian, around whom were gathered
so many celebrities. After that he went to the
East to see Apollinaris at Antioch, enrolling him-
self among the disciples of Gregory Nazianzen
at Constantinople. Later on he did not esteem it
unworthy his grey hairs to learn that truth, which
in those days was sought after to the last hour of
life, from the lips of the blind Didymus of Alex-
andria. At that time, men travelled over half the
world, only that they might thoroughly understand
a single point of the Church's doctrine. Take,
as an instance, the priest Orosius, who went from
Spain to Africa in order to learn from St. Augustine
how best to confute the heresies then infesting
the Church. He was referred by Augustine to

1 This is still more the case in the order of supernatural things.
The saints communicate and pour forth the spirit of holiness on all
those around them ; as Christ Himself has declared in those words,
" He that believeth on Me, as the Scripture hath said, out of his
belly shall flow rivers of living water" (St. John vii. 38).

84 Correspondence between Bishops,

CHAP. in. St. Jerome, whom he then sought in Palestine. It
was thus that the priests of those ages studied
theology, and thus that the leaders among the
clergy diligently kept up their mutual intercourse.
L. 2. The second means hy which episcopal
unity was preserved was the constant intercourse
maintained by correspondence even between
Bishops who lived widely apart from each other.
The means of communication were very different
from those in our times. It surprises us to find
Vigilius, Bishop of Trent, sending as a gift, accom-
panied by a friendly letter, part of the relics of
the Martyrs of Anaunia to St. Chrysostom at Con-
stantinople, and the other part to St. Simpli-
cian at Milan. Besides the letters of private
friendship that passed between the Bishops, the
Churches wrote one to another, especially the chief
Churches to those which were subject to them.
In this pious correspondence both the presbytery
and the people took part; the treasured letters
were reverently read in public on festivals. In
thus acting they were following the example of the
Apostles. Witness the Epistles of St. Peter, St.
Paul, St. John, St. James, and St. Jude, yet
preserved to us in the Canon of Holy Scrip-
ture. Witness, too, the letters of the Pontiffs,1

1 [This epithet is an anachronism. — ED.]

Common life of the Holy Body. 85

St. Clement and St. Soterius to the Church of CHAP. in.
Corinth, as also the epistles of St. Ignatius, and
of St. Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth, to various
Churches, specially that of Rome ; * together with
many more.

LI. 3. Another means of preserving unity was
the frequent visits of the Bishops to one another,
either from zeal in the affairs of the Church, or
in order to a mutual interchange of affection.
A Bishop's zeal was not confined to his own special
charge among the Churches ; it was yet greater
for the Church Universal. He knew that he
was a Bishop of the Church Catholic, 2 and
that a diocese can no more be severed from the
whole Body of the faithful than can a limb from
the living human body. Every member of

1 Among other things in this letter of Dionysius to the Roman
Church, the saint says, " This day we kept the holy feast of the
Lord's Day, and we read your letter, which we shall read continually
for our instruction, as well as those previously written to us by
Clement " (Euseb. , Eccles. Hist. , lib. iv. c. 23). We know of seven
epistles written by that eminent Bishop of Corinth to the faithful
of different Churches, i.e. besides that to the Romans, one to the
Lacedsemonians, the Athenians, the Nicomedians, the Church of
Amastris in Pontus, the Church of Gortyna in Crete, and to the
Gnossians also in Crete. Still better known are the six beautiful
epistles of St. Ignatius which we yet possess — to the Ephesians, the
Magnesians, the Trallians, the Romans, the Philadelphians, and
the Smyrnians. So far did the relations between these holy Bishops,
their priests and people extend !

2 They always signed themselves with this denomination.

86 Comparative isolation of modern Bishops.

CHAP. in. the human body must needs be supplied by the
blood which flows through the whole body, pene-
trating to each extremity by means of arteries,
veins, and capillaries. This blood perpetually
passes from one vessel to another, so that it is
impossible to say that any portion belongs to one
arm or leg ; since it belongs to the whole body.
So it is with other vital juices which circulate
through the frame ; the simultaneous action of
the various parts produces a single result, namely,
life. In this life each particle of the body
shares, not as having a life of its own, but
because the life of the body is the life of each of
its members. Thus, too, in the Catholic Church,
each individual diocese must live by means of
the life of the Universal Church, keeping up a
continual living intercourse with it, and receiv-
ing from it healthy influences. Any member
that separates itself, becomes ,as one that is life-
less. If free communication with the whole
Church is hindered, a languid feeble life only
remains as a natural consequence. So it would be,
were an arm tightly bound round with cords, which
must needs impede its movement and sensation ; or
if it were paralysed or stiffened with cold, so
that circulation was hindered, and all living func-
tions arrested or suspended. But such notions as

Frequency of provincial councils. 87

tese are strange to the greater part of our clergy. CHAP. nr.

_nd the result is that we have Bishops, who are
rarely to be seen at the further boundaries of their
dioceses, and who suppose themselves to be satis-
factorily fulfilling their episcopal duty if they
have not failed to appear on the usual formal
occasions in their cathedral churches, or in their
seminaries ; if the external management of the
diocese is somehow provided for, so that there are
no complaints from the laity ; and finally, if they
have outwardly gone through all the functions
of the " Pontifical " or of the " Ceremonial " * pre-
scribed for Bishops.

LIT. 4. Unity is secured by frequent gatherings,
especially in provincial Councils. Unity of will
and unity of intention are essential to the unity
of the Church ; and these are not promoted by
the exercise of individual authority. This too
often provokes an element of invidious or hostile
feeling, which causes less of enlightenment than
of irritation. Wherefore the Apostle himself said,

1 St. Cyprian writes thus of the Bishop's office in caring for the
Universal Church : " Copiosum corpus est sacerdotum concordise
mutuse glutinae atque unitatis vinculo copulatum, ut si quis ex
collegio nostro hseresim facere, et gregem Chris ti lacerare et vastare
tentaverit, subveniant cseteri. Nam etsi pastores multi sumus,
unum tamen gregem pascimus, et oves universas, quas Christus
sanguine suo et passione qusesivit, colligere et fovere debemus "
(Ep. 68, adSteph.).

88 Consideration due to the laity.

CHAP. in. " All things are lawful unto me, but all things are
not expedient." 1

Hence also it arose that the wishes of the
people were constantly ascertained. In those days
the people may be said to have been a faithful
counsellor to the Church's rulers.2 An account
was rendered by the Bishop to the people of all
that he did in the government of the diocese.3
This consideration for the popular wishes when-
ever it was practicable — a course in itself so
charitable — was well suited to the spirit of
Episcopal government. This lofty and powerful

1 1 Cor. vi. 12.

2 Fleury says, " Everything in the Church was done with
counsel, so that reason, rule, and the will of God, might alone bear
sway." "Assemblies have this advantage, that there is always
some one present able to point out the right course, and to lead
others to see it too. Thus mutual respect is produced ; — men are
ashamed to be publicly unjust ; and those whose virtue is weakest
are upheld by others. It is not an easy thing to corrupt a whole
assembly ; but it is an easy thing to gain one man, or whoever
rules him ; and an individual decision is apt to be biassed by per-
sonal feelings, which have no counterbalancing influence. No
Bishop took any important measures without the council of pres-
byters and deacons, and the chief among his clergy. Often, too,
the whole people were taken into council, when they had an interest
in the transaction, as in the case of ordinations " (Discours i. § 5).

3 St. Cyprian used to give account to his people of all that he
did ; and when, in the times of persecution, he could not do so per-
sonally, he still did the same by letters, some of which are still
extant (see Ep. 38, Pam. 33). Two centuries later, St. Augustine
did the same. In his sermons he tells them all the wants of the
Church, and gives a minute report of his doings. These sermons,
355, 356, are specially worthy of attention.

Consideration of Bishops for presbyters. 89

rule is so unlike that of earthly kings, inasmuch CHAP. in.
as it is only thus powerful for good, and not for
evil. Its very essence is the adornment of humi-
lity, modesty, and vast charity. It must be
above all things just, and strong by means of
its gentleness.1 Hence also arose the intimate
union of Bishops with their presbyters, whose
advice they sought in every matter concerning
the government of the Church. The presbyters
had a share in plans and measures, which were
carried out according to the general wish, and
the object and reasons of which were thus under-
stood by those who were to give them practical
effect.2 Hence also those Councils in which all

1 Fleury says, " Such heed was paid to the assent of the people,
in the first six ages of the Church, that if they refused to accept
a Bishop, even after his consecration, they were not constrained, and
another more acceptable was provided " (Disc. i. § 4). St. Augus-
tine gives the reason in these words, addressed to his people : " We
are Christians for our own sakes, and Bishops for yours " (Serm.
359).

2 St. Cyprian, writing to his clergy from his place of concealment
in time of persecution, accounts for not having answered a certain
letter written by some of his priests, by saying that he was alone :
' ' And I determined from the beginning of my Episcopate to do
nothing by myself, without your counsel and the assent of the
people " (Ep. 14). This determination was founded on Apostolic
example. Remember the Apostolic proceedings as to the election
of deacons. Assuredly the Apostles had power to elect whom they
would. Yet with what gentleness and consideration they set the
matter before the faithful, that they might nominate those fittest
for the office ! " Wherefore, brethren, look ye out among you seven
men of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost and wisdom, whom

go The Metropolitans and the Pope.

CHAP. in. the Bishops of a province met twice a year,1 as
so many brothers, to discuss their common in-
terests, to take counsel respecting difficulties occa-
sioned by particular cases, and to unite in framing
such measures as were best calculated to put an
end to disorders. They decided causes ; they
appointed successors to deceased Bishops. These
successors were not only known but acceptable to
them, and they thus contributed to preserve the
perfect harmony of the Episcopal body. Hence
also the greater Councils of several provinces,
and national and (Ecumenical Councils.

LIII. 5. Unity was preserved by the authority
of the Metropolitan who presided over the Bishops
of a province, and by that of the Chief Sees to
which several provinces and Metropolitans were
subject. By this well-ordered system of eccle-
siastical government the Body of the Church was
admirably united and bound together. There
was no risk of its high offices becoming merely
honorary and useless.

LIY. Lastly, unity was, above all, due to the

we may appoint over this business " (Acts vi. 3). " And the saying
pleased the whole multitude," Holy Scripture says further, and they
chose the seven first deacons of the Church.

1 The Fifth of the twenty disciplinary Canons of the Council of
Nicea ordains that in every province the Council should be held
twice a year.

Moral elements of unity. 91

authority of the Supreme Pontiff, the chief stone CHAP. in.
of the Episcopal edifice -- ever and alone im-
movable ; and therefore the true foundation-stone,
securing to the whole Church militant identity
and endurance. All Bishops and Churches had
recourse to him in every need, as to their father,
judge, teacher ; as to a centre, a common source
[of authority]. From him persecuted pastors
received consolation, and those who were pillaged
and despoiled received alms ; and the faithful of
every nation, nay, the Catholic world, found at
his hands light, direction, protection, safety and
peace.1

LY. Such were the six golden links forming
that powerful chain, which, in the better days of
the Church, bound together the Episcopal body.
Golden they were, in truth, forged out of no other
material than that of holiness and love ; of faith-
fulness to the pattern of Christ's Word and to the
Apostolic examples ; of zeal for the Church which
was founded by the Blood of Christ, and by Him
entrusted to the Bishops' hands; of fearfulness
and trembling, because ever conscious of the in-

1 [This is inaccurate. In the earliest times no such authority
as the Papacy existed in the Church ; and when it was developed,
after the fall of the Western Empire, the assertion of its claims
occasioned the division of East and West.— ED.]

92 The Bishops enter on political life.

CHAP. in. exorable account to be one day required by that
same Lord, the Invisible Head and Pastor, Jesus
Christ.

We have seen that the invasion of the bar-
barians, who overthrew the Eoman Empire, gave
rise within the Church to one of those new periods
which may be described as periods of movement.
At such times the Church rose and made a fresh
advance. There was developed in her a new
activity, which had hitherto lain dormant from
lack of any exciting cause. When aroused it
exercises a new influence on mankind, and pro-
duces a new series of beneficial results.

The character which marked the period oi
which we are treating was that of " the intro-
duction of Bishops into political government.'
The end which Providence had in view in so
great a change, may surely be said to have been
that the Religion of Christ should penetrate the
innermost recesses of society, and should by
ruling sanctify it. This end was attained, inas-
much as the order of Providence is unfailing
and sure. But it was attained at the cost o;
serious evils. The human means, with which
Providence deigns to work, are all necessarily
limited and imperfect. And in addition to those
already enumerated, one noteworthy evil was the

The Church not a merely human society. 93

disunion of the Episcopate. This sharp spear CHAP. in.
went far to tear the breast and pierce the very
heart of the loving Bride of Jesus Christ.

LYI. Let us trace the steps by which so bitter
a trial came about. But first let me say a word
concerning the laws according to which God
tempers the vicissitudes of His holy Church.
There is both a Divine and a human element in
the Church. The eternal plan is Divine. And
the chief means whereby that plan was carried
out — the Redeemer's aid — is also Divine. Divine,
too, is the promise that this aid shall never fail ;
that the holy Church shall never be left without
light to know the true Faith, or without grace
to practise holiness, or without a Supreme Pro-
vidence disposing of all earthly things as they
affect her. But besides this the principal element,
there are other and human elements which take
part in carrying out the designs of Grod. This is
inevitable, since the Church is a society composed
of men, and of men who ever, while they live, must
be subject to the imperfections and ills of humanity.
Thus the human element of this society obeys the
ordinary laws which regulate the course of all other
human societies, in its development and in its
progress. And yet those laws to which human
societies are subject cannot be altogether applied to

94 Epochs of movement and of repose.

CHAP. in. the Church, precisely because it is not a purely
human society, but also, in part, Divine. Thus,
for instance, the law that " Every society be-
gins, advances to its perfection, and then fails
and perishes," is not wholly applicable to the
Church, which is sustained by a Power far out
of the reach of human vicissitudes. That Infi-
nite Power repairs her losses, and pours new
life into her when she is faint. And thus this
singular and unique society does not move in the
sphere of the ordinary life of human societies,
simply because it contains an element which is
extraneous and superior to all societies that are
merely human. In a word, the Church is as
lasting as the society of the whole human race,
which, created contemporaneously with man, will
not perish until the last individual of the species
perishes.

Since, then, other particular societies are
formed, destroyed, and formed again, they have a
period of destruction succeeding a period of for-
mation, to be succeeded in its turn by another
period of new formation. But these periods of
organization, and of crisis, cannot be applied to
general human society, nor to the Church of
Jesus Christ, both of which endure perpetually.
They are only applicable to the accidental conditions

Destruction and reconstruction. 95

of either : these alone are organized, destroyed, CHAP. in.
and re-organized. The moment in which the
presiding force of organization begins to act, may
be called the epoch of movement ; that in which the
work of organization is completed, the stationary
epoch. The Church finds herself by turns in these
two epochs ; at one time moving towards some
new and mighty development, at another resting
as though she had come to the end of her journey.1
LYII. We may make a further remark with
respect to the laws which govern the progress of
society, as applied to the Church. In ordinary
societies reconstruction succeeds to destruction; the
tendency is to build up after a better fashion that
which has been destroyed. But in the Church de-
struction and formation are contemporaneous. Not
that, as elsewhere, the same object is destroyed and
reconstructed, but that while one order of things
is destroyed, another is formed. Let us take as

1 Let us distinguish two epochs, and two periods. The point at
which a new order of things begins, is the epoch of movement ; the
point at which that order of things is formed, and sufficiently
established, is the stationary epoch. Between these two epochs
there is a period in which society works at its own organization,
with a view to perfecting the new order of things, and this we may
call the period of organization. This organization completed, and
thus the stationary epoch having arrived, human affairs cannot
remain motionless, and consequently there speedily arises a move-
ment in the opposite direction, that is to say, towards destruction,
and this we may call the period of crisis.

96 Engrossing character of secular biisiness.

CHAP. TIE. an example that memorable period when the in-
vasion of the barbarians * forced the clergy to
take part in temporal government. This epoch of
movement in the Church of God is the principal
object which claims our attention.

At that time the movement in the Church, the
new order of things which was being organized,
was the sanctification of civil society. This society,
hitherto pagan, was to be converted to Christianity ;
that is, it was to conform all its laws, its consti-
tution, and even its habits, to that new code of
grace and love, the Gospel. But simultaneously
with this progress there was the destruction of
a former order of things, and a retrograde
movement within the Church. The new move-
ment which the Church carried into civil society,
brought with it the evil alluded to, namely, that

1 There were many causes which forced the clergy against their
will into temporal affairs. Fleury writes, " The Romans had a
profound hatred and contempt for their new masters (the bar-
barians), who were not only rough and fierce, but were also heathens
or heretics. On the other hand, the people increased in trust and
respect for the Bishops, who were all Romans, and for the most
part members of noble and wealthy houses." He adds, " In course
of time, however, the barbarians became Christians, and helped to
fill the ranks of the clergy, among whom they introduced their
own customs ; so that not only clergymen, but even Bishops became
hunters and warriors. They also became territorial lords, and as
such were obliged to attend the assemblies which regulated State
affairs, and which were at once Parliaments and National Councils "
(Fleury, Discours vii. § v.).

Reaction from an "epoch of movement" 97

the Episcopate was withdrawn from its natural CHAP. in.
duties, Instruction and Worship, l and was
plunged into a sea of secular business. Such
occupation was, for the clergy, an untried, unfore-
seen temptation. Its danger was easily foretold,2
but in resisting it they as yet possessed no experi-
ence. Hence, in course of time, human nature
failed under the severe trial : the standard of holi-
ness among the clergy was lowered, and the best
customs, and traditions of the Church perished.
This was the work of destruction which worked
on side by side with that of organization. Such,
I repeat, is ever the measure of human capacity.
We find it even in the Church, which in its pro-
gress and development is subject to havoc and
change.

LYIII. And what follows? When the in-
tended organization has been effected, when the

1 In Apostolic times, when the question of " serving tables "
arose, the Apostles appointed seven Deacons, to fulfil that office,
saying of themselves that " it was not reason" that they should
undertake temporal affairs. They singled out the two truly Epis-
copal functions with the words, "Nos vero orationi, et ministerio
verbi instantes erimus" (Acts vi. 4). Prayer corresponds to Worship
and Preaching to Instruction.

2 This is proved by the fears expressed in the writings of St.
Gregory, and the other Bishops, who were the first to be dragged
into secular affairs. Little by little these fears and lamentations
died away among the clergy, a symptom that they were gradually
becoming attracted by worldly business.

98 Epochs of repose in Chiirch history.

CHAP. in. period of destruction has been traversed, and has de-
voured all that seemed to be given up to it by Pro-
vidence, then for a short time it appears as if this
completed destruction would imperil the very exist-
ence of the Church, and that the yawning abyss
would also swallow up all which had been won
and organized. In such a predicament the Church
is troubled, her faith hardly sustains her. In
her extreme perturbation she turns with piteous
supplications to her Divine Master, Who is asleep
in the storm-tossed vessel ; until the moment when
He shall awake, and control both the wind and the
sea. By this time experience has been gained. The
fatal effects of the principle of destruction have
been exhibited, and at last the remedy is sought.
Then begins the new period in which an attempt
is made to repair the breaches wrought in the noble
vessel during her long and difficult voyage. It
is a stationary epoch ; for these repairs do not
advance the Church, they do not secure to her
any new development. They merely restore her
so far as she may have suffered in her fatiguing
journey. But meanwhile she has traversed a long
reach of her course, and when the imperishable
vessel is repaired, she must once more confront
new seas, and gales, and storms.

LIX. Providence has so ordered and ruled the

A new epoch possibly opening. 99

Church, that the force of organization is ever CHAP. in.
stronger within her than the destructive force.
The two forces always act simultaneously, so
that events may come to pass speedily, and no
time may be lost.1 When their work is once
finished, there may succeed within the Church a
season of repose. In this she neither makes
much progress, nor attempts great enterprises,
but she may diligently seek to repair her
breaches, until the time comes for her to weigh
anchor, and once more start on a sea of perils.
For many centuries after the memorable year
1076, and with renewed vigour since the Council
of Trent, she has laboured earnestly at the w^ork
of careful restoration in Church discipline and
practice. Who knows if we are not now ap-
proaching a time, when the great vessel will once
more leave her shores, and unfurl her sails for the
discovery of some new, possibly larger continent ! 2

1 We may perhaps find an exception to this law only in the
first six centuries. Then the force of organization was alone in
operation, but antagonism was not lacking, and opposing forces
worked from without the Church, through heathen society.

2 Thus to the period of destruction, a period of reparation
succeeds. This reparation concerns, not the motion, but the
condition of the Church, Contemporaneously with destruction
we find a period of organization ; this belongs to movement, it is
a time of enterprise. Then there follows a weariness — the time
of rest. Thus in the time of movement there are two very
active forces at work, one building up, the other pulling down.

ioo How Episcopal unity was impaired.

CHAP. in. LX. To resume, in the preceding chapters we
have considered the indefatigable activity of the
destructive force which worked upon the Church
with respect to the education of the people and of
the clergy x during the centuries immediately fol-
lowing the first six. Let us now see how this
unfriendly force operated so as to dissolve the
union of the Episcopate.

The first successors of the Apostles, poor and
unknown, communicated with one another in
the simple manner which the Gospel inspires, and
which is the expression of the heart alone. It is
thus that man imparts himself to his fellow-man,
and it is thus that the conversation of Grod's servants
is so easy, attractive, useful, and holy. Such was the
conversation of the first Bishops. But when they
became surrounded and hedged in by temporal
power, it became difficult to approach them. Worldly
ambition invented fixed titles and a code of outward
usage, exacting from men as the price of communi-
cation with their Prelates, at least a considerable
sacrifice of self-love, if not some degradation, be-
cause some insincerity and falsehood. At last things

In the time of rest, also, two forces are in operation, but neither
with much energy. The one seeks to repair losses, the other injures
afresh, but rather from carelessness than from design ; much as
one who, having built a house, neglects to keep it in good repair.
1 Chaps, i. and ii.

Intercourse embarrassed by ceremonial. 101

reached a point when the intercourse of ordinary CHAP. in.
Christians with the heads of the Church was
thoroughly complicated by empty questions of form,
which, in fact, often admitted of no reasonable or
possible solution. The Pastor's mind, instead
of being devoted to meditating on sublime truths
and to devising wise counsels, was distracted with
the study of all these new rights and claims
within the Church, which arose from the new
code of usages. Hence the character became
suspicious, anxious, and disingenuous, from precau-
tions and from recriminations. The complication
increased, and henceforth an assembly of Bishops,
naturally so kindly and unassuming a meeting, ne-
cessitated long and serious consideration, inasmuch
as before taking part in it, a man required a long
study of the accompanying ceremonies, a long
purse to meet the expenses, an abundance of spare
time, and great strength to endure the fatigue
and weariness of the etiquette, which alone was
sufficient to kill feeble old men.1

LXI. Such hindrances separating the Bishops,

1 Fleury says, "The Bishops' intercourse was carried on as
between brothers, with much love and little ceremony ; and the titles
of Holiness, Venerable, etc. , with which they addressed one another,
are to be attributed to the custom which had been introduced at
the fall of the Roman Empire, of giving to every one the title suited
to his condition " (Discours i. § v.).

IO2 Unity of Bishops impaired

CHAP. in. and surrounding them with an atmosphere of
estrangement, were a sure sign that ambition had
made its stealthy way into their hearts. And
what could be a more powerful source of division,
and even of schism, than ambition, which is never
found without its satellites, the lust of wealth and of
power ? It is an unfailing fact in Church history,
that, " wherever an Episcopal see has been joined
for any length of time to a considerable temporal
power, causes of discord are also sure to follow."
An example occurs at once to the mind in
Constantinople. Not a century after its foundation,
the Bishops of the New Rome, grown powerful
through being neighbours to the Emperor, sought
to overreach the most ancient and most illustrious
sees of the Church, and after many struggles they
succeeded in obtaining the second post of honour.1
But not content with this, they entered into a
rivalry with Eome, which resulted in the fatal
Greek schism.2 Thus the loss of the East to the

1 In the [(Ecumenical. — ED.] Council of Constantinople, A. D. 381,
that see obtained the post of honour next to Rome, to which her
self-appropriated name of New Rome contributed not a little.

2 It was the protection of the State which encouraged these
Archbishops to rebel against Eome. They succeeded in obtaining
from the Emperor an ordinance called the Type by which they were
withdrawn from the authority of the Roman Church. [Muratori,
Scrip. Rer. Ital. ii. 149; iii. 145. Ducange, 8.v.— ED.] This docu-
ment was afterwards given up to Pope Leo II. when they submitted.

by their temporal grandeur. 103

Church may be plainly traced as one of the terrible CHAP. in.
consequences of the annexation of temporal power
to the See of Constantinople.1 In the West we find
an instance in the Exarchate of Bavenna, esta-
blished in the sixth century. Its Archbishops
speedily grew indocile and insubordinate to Eome,
and were at last only reduced by extreme measures.2
But above all other sources of discord and disunion
in the Western Church, were the numerous Anti-
popes who arose; and, finally, the great Western
schism, in the fourteenth century, which even after
its extinction left deep roots of division and hatred
among Christian nations. These germs of evil won
new life through all that took place on occasion of
the schism from the ever-memorable Councils of
Pisa, Constance, and Bale. It was this schism which
paved the way for the defection of the North
from the Church, a century later. Although now
extinct outwardly, it still exists, its ill-omened spirit
works continually under the disguise of Gallicanism

1 [It would be more accurate to read ' Rome ' for ' Constanti-
nople,' in" this sentence. But the excellent author is only repeating
the traditional Roman account of this passage of history. — ED.]

2 Ravenna returned to obedience under Pope Donnus, A.D, 677.
These Archbishops rebelled again, A.D. 708, and it was by a dispen-
sation of Providence that this Exarchate came to an end, having
existed only 180 years, through the means of Astolfus, King of
Lombardy, who destroyed it A.D. 752. Thus Divine Providence
made use of these barbarian invaders of the Church's territories,
to consolidate the Roman dominion by destroying that of Eavenna.

IO4 Ancient reasons for " Nolo Episcopari"

CHAP. in. and Aulicism : and its fruits are the ill-advised
ecclesiastical enterprises of an Emperor and aGrand-
duke ; the blind ambition of four German Arch-
bishops, who, contending with the Apostolic See,
the only and faithful protector of their temporal
dominions, lost those dominions ; and all that was
wished, said and attempted more recently, in a
Catholic Capital, in order to establish there a Patri-
arch and to produce a fresh schism in the Church.
LXII. We cannot wonder at the miserable
divisions which tear the breast of the Spouse of
Christ, if we reflect that, whereas the first Bishops
who were constrained to plunge into temporal con-
cerns were so holy-minded, so imbued with the true
episcopal spirit, that they did this with pain and
tears, such was by no means the case with all their
successors. Those who were animated by the secu-
lar temper, the love of money and of power, were
thereby widely removed from the Episcopate of
earlier days. It was poor, and it spent itself in
preaching the Gospel and in tending souls. For the
office involved little save labour and care ; often-
times persecution, exhaustion, and martyrdom.
So great was the courage and the spirit of
self-sacrifice which it demanded, that men might
well say, in the words of St. Paul, " If a man
desire the office of a Bishop, he desireth a good

General secularization of the clergy. 105

work."1 But holy men of old shunned the office CHAP. m.
for a very different reason. They saw in it a dignity
altogether Divine, such as it wears to the eye of faith,
to which God alone could call and raise them ; while,
possessed by a humble estimate of themselves, they
did not deem themselves endowed with the high
qualities required by so great and sacred a ministry.
Thus it came to pass that, as no candidates
for the Episcopal sees offered themselves, the
Church was free in her choice. She herself
sought, without prejudice, the holiest men, un-
fettered as she then was by the inclination of
electors, or the manoeuvres of candidates. The result
was that such men as were pre-eminent for holiness
and learning were elected. But this desirable state
of things was changed as soon as the Episcopate
ceased to be a purely spiritual power, and under-
took the administration of great wealth and the
cares of temporal government. The office then be-
came an object of dread and avoidance to holy men.
They shrank earnestly from it, even binding them-
selves with vows in order to elude the charge; as did
those Apostolic men under Loyola,2 who, some

1 1 Tim. iii. 1.

2 Many have found fault because religious orders have done so
much in the Church, without being Pastors, and even with privi-
leges which to a great extent set them free from Episcopal authority.
But is it not evident that this was a means whereby it pleased God
to strengthen His Church, at the very time when her Bishops were

io6 Degradation of the Episcopate.

CHAP, in. three hundred years since, founded a company
of indefatigable labourers in the Lord's Vineyard.
At the same time, there arose only too many
candidates for the Episcopate with which it might
well have dispensed ; namely, all who were seeking
a worldly fortune, and against whom all easier and
better opportunities for making one were closed.

Then arose the formal and materialized de-
votion of the upper class of the clergy ; and among
the lower, the virtue of dexterous management o
business and knowledge of the Canon Law, in-
stead of zeal and earnestness in wielding the
sword of the Divine Word, and in guiding souls
heavenward. Henceforth the lords and princes o
this world looked on the larger and wealthier sees
merely as rewards for their ministers and flatterers
or as provision for their younger or illegitimate
children. That which had at first been done from
an instinct of inconsiderate covetousness, becam<
before long a political system, well-nigh a re
cognized State procedure. I might cite almos
any Christian nation in Europe as an illustration

distracted by secular dignities ? Evidently the mission of tli
Mendicant Friars in the thirteenth century, and that of the Regular
Clerks in the sixteenth, was to fill up and supply that which wa
left undone by those who are but too fitly called the secula.
clergy. [The later history of the Jesuit order shows that the secula
spirit was not a monopoly of the secular clergy.— ED.]

Its union destroyed by worldly ambition. 107

Attentive study will show in each case that the CHAP. in.
final confusion in the Church's government had
its beginning in the spirit and maxims which
during its later years prevailed in the republic of
Venice. There all the Bishops were younger sons
of patrician families. They must apparently have
received their vocation to the Episcopate before
they were born. For they were condemned to be
Bishops before their birth by rapacious, cruel, pre-
sumptuous men ; who, by way of compensation for
this treatment, would dispense the Pastor of Christ's
Church from his most sacred duties, willingly
consenting to see him lead a life of ignoble
indolence, or of still worse dissipation. Could we
expect among such Bishops as these, to find large
endowments of love and moral strength, and that
truly pastoral union which springs from a mutual
zeal for the welfare of Christ's dear Spouse, the
Church, and from a wisdom which grows deeper
and stronger by the force of concurrence in com-
mon rules and by uniformity of action ?

LXIII. It was easy to bind together in close
intercourse and hearty friendship, men who had
but one object and aim, that of the progress of
mankind in truth and goodness. Truth is uni-
versal and immutable. A union among men which
aims at that heavenly blessing cannot but be

io8 Union of worldly Bishops impossible.

CHAP. in. itself universal. There need be no limit to the
number of its members. When it is bound together
by truth, it cannot fail to be firm and enduring ; it is
not to be overthrown by trials, or by the changes
and chances of life. Such was the brotherhood
of the early Bishops. Its aim and bond was evan-
gelical truth ; God Himself was its foundation. But
when a man's mind turns towards worldly wealth,
and his aim is the enjoyment, and consequently the
preservation and increase of such wealth, he ceases
to be free. He can no longer be wholly devoted
to that Chief Good Who can be freely shared by
all without taking away aught from any, Whose
value is wholly contained in Himself and not
derived from anything external or changeable.
Then men become unreal; they have no longer the
power to be heartily loyal in their social relations, or
to contract a lasting, indissoluble friendship with
each other. Their intercourse cannot but be
conditioned by circumstances. Whatever maybe the
outward formalities and the conventional signs of
a restricted affection, there is always an under-
stood limit to union. It is shackled with fears,
cautions, and reserves, which greatly weaken it,
and altogether change its nature. "If at all,
with whom ? how ? how far ? is not union contrary to
other interests ? what is the object or the conditions

Bishops involved in secular struggles. 109

of such union ? " these questions are always under- CHAP. in.
stood to be asked. If, then, these rich and
powerful Bishops are not paragons of extra-
ordinary virtue, but rather men whose hope
and longing through life has been to gain a
wealthy see, what must be the inevitable result?
What can we expect from such successors of the
Apostles ? Who can doubt that their anxious
efforts will be devoted to their temporal power
and possessions? Content with the sufficiency of
their worldly position, they cannot feel any burning
desire to maintain spiritual intercourse with other
Bishops. Absorbed in secular business, they have
neither time nor inclination for earnest corres-
pondence on Church questions, which moreover
requires a different frame of mind, and other studies
than theirs. If perchance they do attempt some sort
of union and intercourse, it is certain to be em-
barrassed with all the hindrances alluded to above,
of fashion, persons, rank, and season ; and it
will not be allowed to interfere with the Pre-
lates' convenience, to disturb their comfortable
ease, or to run the least risk of lowering their
secular grandeur.

LXIY. Church history shows that the Bishops,
having become possessed of temporal baronies,
soon quarrelled among themselves. They were

1 1 o Episcopal character lowered by the world.

CHAP. in. involved in factions, in wars, and in all the
horrible discords which for whole centuries dis-
tracted the world. These discords were cruelly
hurtful to mankind, fatal to the Church whose
very foundation is love, and painfully scandalous
where men are concerned to whom Christ has
said, " Behold, I send you forth as sheep in the
midst of wolves." * Yet it was but natural that
such Bishops, having become a constituent part
of the political body, possibly its most influen-
tial part, and clinging eagerly to their temporal
fortunes, should be involved in the struggles
and contentions which perpetually embroiled the
great personages of the world. For riches and
power are of themselves occasions of conflict,
whether for those who seek to keep what they
have, or those who take offensive measures to
add to it. Thus the holy, continuous, uni-
versal union of the early Bishops came to an
end, and was succeeded by partial and temporary
unions, such as arise out of secular interests,
mere confederations, leagues and factions. What a
difference ! Could the unity of the Episcopal
body be preserved thus ? Was it not inevitable
that little by little that general isolation of
Bishops should take place, which, unhappily,
i St. Matt. x. 16.

Resiilts of frequenting Royal Courts. 1 1 1

is one of the deepest and most cruel wounds CHAP. TIL
which ceaselessly afflict the Church of God ?

LXY. It is evident that Bishops who are
immersed in secular affairs must continually
mingle with princes and great personages. It
is also evident that this intercourse cannot
long continue, without leaving on the Bishops an
impress of the manners and customs of the world.
This impress is seen in their personal tastes, their
households, their dwellings. Moreover it is clear
that a worldly habit of life is widely different from
the life of the Church. Any man who adapts
himself to the pomp, the turmoil, and license of the
one is likely to shrink from the lowliness, the
regularity, and the strictness of the other. Thus
it was inevitable that a Prelate who was taken
up with worldly greatness, should be dis-
inclined to return to the poor of his flock, and to
his inferior clergy, and to devote himself to the
lowly offices of the Church and the special
care of souls. He would prefer the society of
great persons in the world to that of his Episcopal
brethren, as being more lively, less critical, and,
according to his views, more profitable.

LXVI. Hence such Pastors forsook their
dioceses, not merely in order to attend parlia-
ments or national Councils, but because they pre-

H2 Degradation of courtier-bishops.

CHAP. m. ferred residing near royal Courts, whence the
voice of many Councils vainly sought to recall
them.1 And what had they to do at such Courts ?
Some, perhaps, sought to share in their pleasures ;
some to seek aggrandizement of that earthly pros-
perity which always kindles insatiable longings
in the heart of man ; others to satisfy their vanity,
by receiving homage and appearing great in the
eyes of men. They mingled, perhaps, in the
tricky and rough work of politics ; or they even
made war on the Church herself, on her doctrine,
or on her discipline ; or they filled the infamous post
of spies, satisfying personal animosities against
their brethren in the Episcopate, or kindling a
perfidious and sacrilegious war against their com-
mon father and master, the Eoman Pontiff ; or they
basked with their degraded natures in the prince's
smile, perhaps flattering him, winking at his in-
famous pleasures, or his ruthless enterprises, with

1 In the year 341 the Council of Antioch, not content with con-
demning Episcopal residence at Court, treats it as an almost unknown
irregularity, and ordains that no Bishop, priest, or other clerk,
should even pay an ordinary visit to the Emperor without letters of
permission from the Bishops of the province, signed by the Metro-
politan ; and whosoever infringed this ordinance of the holy Council,
should be excommunicate, and deprived of his office. Such was the
holy jealousy of those times for the freedom of the Church ! such
the fear of contagion from earthly greatness ! In A.D. 347 the Council
of Sardica ordained that Bishops should not go to Court even for
charitable objects, but that they should send one of their deacons as
a commissioner.

The Gospel a force in politics. 113

good-natured indulgence ; or, worse, they blessed CHAP. in.
such enterprises, and sanctioned such pleasures
with a Bishop's solemn words — thus prostituting
the Gospel and all the ordinances of religion.1
Would that I were speaking of mere possibilities !
Of all my statements there are too many terrible
illustrations to be found in history. There they are,
written in clear, indelible characters, which neither
the bitter tears of the Church nor long-continued
efforts to obliterate them can ever efface.

LXVII. Doubtless one end for which Provi-
dence permitted the ecclesiastical power to gain
so much influence in civil governments was to
provide mediators between the governors and the
governed, between the strong and the weak. The
Church, after preaching for six centuries submis-
sion and unexampled meekness to the weak, was to
teach the strong how to moderate the use of power.
She was to subject rulers to the Cross, and, through
the Cross, to justice, thus making them ministers
of justice and beneficence to the people of God,
and not merely judges of earthly things. This

1 The history of the tyrant Christian of Sweden, and his adula-
tory Bishops, is a sufficient illustration. The Church owes her loss
of that nation to such Prelates ; and the same may be said of Ger-
many and England. [Whatever the character of some of Henry
VIII. 's Bishops, the English Reformation is due to causes inde-
pendent of any individuals concerned in it. — ED.]

LIBRARY ST. MARY'S COLLEGE

114 /afctf of the Christian Monarchy.

CHAP. in. office of the ecclesiastical power, this noble mission
of Christ's Church, was exercised by many Bishops,
who maintained the truth, or, as Holy Scripture
has it, the testimony of Grod, before kings. Amidst
the perversion of many among their brethren,
such Bishops were never wanting. The first out-
breaks of fierce resentment were often braved by
them. Crowned monarchs were taught the exist-
ence of a moral power, utterly unlike their own
merely material resources. That peaceful, gentle
power eould, nevertheless, direct and rule brute
force. Although hitherto unheard-of, it issued
in the Christian legislation which occasioned
so many struggles, which was the object of so
many reproaches and calumnies, which led the
Pontiffs of the Middle Ages to fight the battle
of the people against kings, and the result of
which was a wholly new sovereignty, a monarchy
of an entirely new character, the Christian mon-
archy. Thus the Eternal God willed that the
savage government of earthly lords should be
modelled upon the peaceful rule of the Church's
Bishops, and that slavery should cease in the
Christian world, since the Church of Christ owns
only sons ; that arbitrary power should cease,
since the Church's power is holy and reasonable ;
and, finally, that the few should no longer treat

What the Church once did for the people. 1 1 5

the many as mere machines, because the Church's CHAP. in.
power is but a ministry and a service by which
the few sacrifice themselves for the good of
their fellow-men. All this God secured for man
through Christ ; He secured it by the course of
events, and, where events failed, it was won by
the public condemnation of those who acted in a
contrary sense, and who were not screened from
condemnation by a great position. Hence the pre-
cepts of the Gospel, taking possession of the public
mind, laid the foundation of a new general feeling
which dealt justice freely to monarchs, and that
with a severity not to be found save among Chris-
tian nations. But this noble mission of the clergy
is over ; the period of the conversion of society
ended in the sixteenth century. At the present
time everything proves that a new epoch is before
the Church, which during the last centuries has
been labouring to amend her minutest defects.
A clergy which has become the slave and flatterer
of princes can no longer mediate between those
princes and the people who reject its mediation ;
and thus arise such times as our own, when ir re-
ligion and impiety prevail. The Church's power
is out of joint ; it is no longer an intermediary
between the legal power of kings and the moral
power of the people. Absorbed by the former, it

1 1 6 Impotence of the modern Church.

CHAP. in. becomes identified with it ; and the royal power
itself loses its natural character. It is double-faced,
cruel on one side, fraudulent on the other ; pre-
senting here a military aspect, there a clerical one.
And so the world is overdone with military forces
and with an excessive number of useless ecclesias-
tics. Kings are face to face with the people; they
have either to receive a capital sentence, or, worse
still, to pronounce it. There is no longer any one to
give counsel, to join the two parties together, to bless
their contracts, and receive their oaths, now faith-
less and unsanctipned ; both sides fear and threaten,
they make ready for battle, and in a battle every-
thing is at stake. Who can be surprised if, when
in Russia, Germany, England, Sweden, Denmark,
and other countries, princes l once Catholic, under
the tyranny of some caprice or passion, chose
to declare themselves the religious heads of the
nation, and to separate their realms from the
Church, they found no resistance from the Epis-
copate ? or, if on the contrary, they found among
the Bishops their most active servants in carrying
out their designs of racking the Body of the
Holy Church ? These schisms existed practically
before they were actually made : there was only

1 [This is rhetorical. Russia was never in communion with
Rome. And the incidents of the Reformation do not admit of this
general description. — ED.]

Bishops becoming mere courtiers. 1 1 7

the addition of some external forms, a change of CHAP. nr.
name ; the ecclesiastical power which alone could
have prevented them, had already ceased to exist ;
it was lost in the temporal power. Bishops
had ceased to be Bishops, in order to become
courtiers ; they were not only disunited among
themselves, torn with jealousies and rivalries, but
they had also separated themselves from their
head, the Roman Pontiff, and from the universal
Church, preferring to be united as individuals to
their sovereign. Thus they had renounced the
law of their existence, in preferring to be the slaves
of men clothed in soft raiment, rather than the
free Apostles of the Christ, despoiled of His
garments. Alas, what a spectacle the Catholic
nations present at this day ! Where would be
the union and the disinterestedness of our Epis-
copate, if a sovereign were to think of separating
himself from the unity of the Church ?

LXVIIL Observe, too, that even if the degra-
dation of the chief Pastors stops short of such
extremities (yet there is no standing still, and
every social good and every social ill is developed
with time, and reaches its extreme point gradu-
ally), still the obsequious adherence of Bishops
to princes, and their continual immersion in
secular business, tended throughout to diminish

1 1 8 Political Bishops becoming merely national.

CHAP. in. union among the Episcopal body. It was in-
evitable that the Bishop who was minister to his
prince, or who at all events had a powerful
influence in political affairs, should use great
circumspection in his dealings with men around
him, not excepting his Episcopal brethren. He
would naturally become cautious, reserved, silent,
difficult of access. Thus every political party in
the nation, every successive system of adminis-
tration, helped to divide the Episcopal body and
break it up into sections. These sections might
indeed hold together externally in times of public
tranquillity, since the ancient ecclesiastical forms
of brotherhood and love are still retained. But
nevertheless they are inwardly split asunder
all the more disastrously because they are
superficially covered with the cloak of pastoral
harmony. What, again, can we say of the union
of Bishops of different nations ? Having prac-
tically ceased to be Bishops of the Church Catholic,
they are no longer more than national Pontiffs ;
and, as the Episcopal order has changed to a mere
magistracy, an office like any other political office,
the Bishops treat each other as strangers, making
peace and war, truce or strife with one another,
and even with the Church of God. As early as the
fifteenth century this strange scandal was seen

Representation of nations in Councils. 1 1 9

in the Church, when a Council was assembled, CHAP. in.
divided into nations.1 The authority committed
by Christ Himself to His Bishops to be judges
in the faith and masters in Israel was practically
denied. The dogmatic controversies of Chris-
tianity were decided, not by the Bishops' votes,
but by the votes of " nations." At each meeting
of " nations," the laity voted with the Bishops and
priests. Disastrous forerunner of the diets and
congresses of secular princes which took place in
Germany in the sixteenth century on the question
of Eeformation, and of the decisions through which
so many civil magistrates, undertaking to judge in
religious matters, ended by renouncing the faith
of their fathers ! The Bishops had lost their
voice in the decision, it was swallowed up by the
lay power. After that, who can wonder at the
constitutional priests of France, or at the mon-
strous system of its national Church !

LXIX. Yes, indeed ! the natural end is a
national Church, when the Episcopate ceases to be
regarded as a body of pastors and only as a first
estate ; when it has become a political magistracy,
a council of State, an assembly of courtiers.
And this nationalism of Churches, which existed

1 [Lenfant, Concile de Constance, ii. 46. Hallam, Midd. Ages,
ii. 42.— ED.]

I2O The Pope and national Bishops.

CHAP. in. in fact before it was formally acknowledged, is
opposed to, and destructive of all Catholicity.1
How can the head of the Church Catholic,
jealous for the well-being of the Bride of Christ,
make common cause with such national or royal
Bishops ? Is not this at once an ample reason
for the limit placed by the Roman Pontiff to the
Episcopal power, and for those Pontifical reserves
which have occasioned so many quarrels, and so
much calumny ? 2 What other means were there
of saving the Church amid the divisions of her
Bishops, and the general dissolution of her consti-
tuent elements, but that of concentrating strength
and energy at her centre ? Was it not an urgent
necessity that in such circumstances the head of
the Bishops should gather up in his own hand
the reins which they had let fall in so cowardly

1 [But cf . Freeman, Norman Conq. , i. 31. — ED.]

2 Thus the French kings took it into their heads that, when a
Bishop of the State died, they succeeded to his rights as patron
of benefices, etc. Is it desirable for the Church that the rights of
Bishops, reduced to such a condition, should be extended ? Is it
not better that they should be diminished, so that the Church may
preserve at least some remains of her liberty, and may say to a king
as Gregory IX. wrote to the Emperor Frederick II., " Esto quod
in collatione beneficiorum morientibus succedas, ut dicis, Episcopis :
majorem in hoc ipsis non adipisceris potestatem " (cf. Oderic Ray-
nald, ad a/m. 1236). These words were addressed by the Pontiff to
a sovereign who claimed a greater right over a vacant see than had
its living Bishop ! The French lawyers, called " pragmatists,"
assert that, even if the king neglects to appoint to the vacant
benefices, and so ruins the souls of his subjects, his rights still
remain good, and the vacancy cannot be otherwise filled.

The Papacy in 1832. 121

a fashion, lest the chariot of heaven should be CHAP. in.
hurried into the whirlpool ? In truth, if the
Church yet retains any particle of liberty (and
without it, she can no more exist than a man
without air to breathe), it is not to be found
among Bishops who are subject to Catholic
princes ; it is concentrated in the Roman See. We
may perhaps except such liberty as the Church
enjoys in the United States of America, or in other
Catholic countries, where it yet has some modified
existence. I say advisedly " some ; " for every-
thing possible has been and is being done, in
order to drag the Roman Pontiff into the chains
of the general slavery. If he is free, he is only
free from day to day. He is wearied with perpetual
struggles ; he is free, but like Samson in the midst
of the Philistines, on condition that he is per-
petually and with a mighty effort bursting through
the bonds ^vhich are continually woven around
him. He is yet free in spite of all the transactions
on which he is constrained sorrowfully to enter
with " the kings of the earth who stand up, and
the rulers who take counsel together, against the
Lord, and against His Anointed." l Because he is
free, and indomitable, and upheld by a more than
human strength, therefore the " nations furiously

1 Psalm ii. 2.

1 2 2 The Pope, why exposed to general opposition.

CHAP. in. rage together, and the people imagine a vain
thing." Therefore the whole world rises against
him; hell launches all its weapons against that
impregnable fortress, and all dissensions among
men are speedily quieted, so soon as they unite
together against the visible Head of the Church.
And therefore it is, that the Eoman Bishop, the
common father, is an object of such hatred, not
only to the heretic and the impious, not only to
monarchs and rulers, but, in their secret hearts, to
Bishops, and to a clergy who are " national " and
courtier-like ; for he is the only obstacle they en-
counter in the destructive course on which they
have entered, whether from ignorance, weakness,
prejudice, corruption, or diabolic malice, — a course
which leads to apostasy, to the betrayal of Christ,
and to the despair of Judas. Yet they will not
perceive it ! Amid the sorrows which surround
the Spouse of the Redeemer, the faithful disciples
of a Betrayed Master would indeed be comfortless,
had He not said before His Agony, " Thou art
Peter, and upon* this rock I will build My Church,
and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it."

1 S. Matt. xvi. 18. [In passages like the foregoing the excellent
writer's Ultramontanism blinds him to the fact that the secular
spirit, which, as he says, has so degraded sections of the Episcopate,
has been equally fatal to many Popes. What is gained by concen-
trating power in the hands of a Julius II. or a Leo X.? Quis
custodiet ?— ED.]

Bishops as stipendiary barons. 123

LXX. Another deplorable result of this false CHAP. in.
position of the Bishops, which divided them more
and more, from each other, was the jealousy of
their sovereigns. As they became temporal lords,
they incurred jealousies, and shared in vicissitudes
like the nobility. When the Government feared
or strove with the lay lords, the Bishops suf-
fered even more. Thus they were more and
more watched and circumscribed in their work,
fettered at every step, shut in and guarded as
prisoners, not only within the State, but within
their dioceses. Divisions among them were fos-
tered for State reasons ; they were hindered from
attending Councils, and from meeting together ;
they were subjected to endless humiliations.
Their political power soon fell with that of the
nobles. But, weaker than the nobles, they were
more easily plundered of their baronies, which
the nobles grudged to them. The measure of
their degradation was filled up when they were
made stipendiaries. Of the centre of Christian
unity nothing was said ; it was a thousand miles
away. Every dissension between the Bishops
and their chief wTas encouraged ; the tares were
sown ; rebellion was upheld, promoted, and re-
warded. Thus the Pope, the father of fathers,
the supreme judge of the Faith, the universal

124 Appeals to the Pope disallowed.

CHAP. in. teacher of Christians, could no longer communi-
cate freely with his brethren and sons, with men
commissioned by Christ to govern the Church
with him and under him. He could not correct
them, or summon them before his tribunal. Nor
could his oppressed children appeal to him for
redress.1 His decisions in matters of faith, in
questions of morals, were submitted, before their
promulgation, to a lay tribunal, which assumed
superiority over all ecclesiastical tribunals. Nay

1 When the clergy had acquired great temporal wealth, the
sovereign assumed to dispense it, and to convey it to the Prelate,
who received it from the king as a gift, according to the wording
of the forms of Investiture of the Middle Ages. On such occa-
sions the king exacted an oath from the Prelate, by which he was
made to promise whatever the sovereign pleased. Eadmer (Hist.
Novorum. lib. ii.) relates among other things, how William II. of
England made new Prelates swear that they would neither appeal to
the Pope, nor go themselves to Eome without his sanction. All
Christians have the right of appeal to the Head of the Hierarchy,
as part of the intrinsic constitution of the Church, and opposition
to it is an attempt to destroy the Church. If abuses creep in, these
should be remedied, but the appeal itself should be intact. In like
manner, every Christian should have free access to the common
father, the Roman Pontiff — these are the rights of Christianity.
Rulers should defend, not destroy such rights ; and to hinder them,
under the pretext of evil consequences, is destruction. It is true
also that, under the pretext of putting a stop to these evil conse-
quences, princes introduced temporal despotism into the Church, —
a mere brute force, where moral force alone should rule, — thus
securing impunity for their wickedness. [This language, like that
in the text, is only accurate if the Papal supremacy be a part of the
revealed will of God. English Churchmen must necessarily regret
it, as weakening the argument of the chapter. — ED.]

Work of the lawyers in recent ages. 125

worse, they were submitted to a prince, who was CHAP. in.
no Jew or Turk, but a baptized Christian, and
consequently a son and a subject of the Church.1
She had taught him his faith, and he had vowed
at his Baptism to support her. As her son and
subject, he was as liable to be warned, rebuked,
punished as any other of the faithful. The Church
does not respect persons. All men are really
equal before the laws of Jesus Christ. At length,
as time advanced, a new department of police was
specially organized for ecclesiastics. It proved
to be a most minute and irritating system, under
which the Catholic clergy suffered a martyrdom
like that of the early Christians, who were covered
with honey, and then exposed to the sun, to die
a lingering death from the countless stings of flies,
wasps, and gadflies. Such a system as this could
not be perfected all at once. The vast edifice was
the slow, tedious, and learned work of the lawyers,
those subtle flatterers of all rulers. But the first
general idea of this achievement of earthly power
was naturally suggested to the policy of govern-
ments by the false position of a degraded clergy.

1 S. Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. xvii. ad Civ. Naz. § 8) : Ti 8e

Ot fiwdffTai Kal apXOVTfS ; . . . rl OVV (pare J . . . Kal 6 TOV XptffTOV v6jJLOS

viroTiOr)(rii> v/j.as rrj e/^rj SuvctfTTeta /cat T<£ eu<£ p-f)/na.Ti. "Ap^o^ey yap Kal
avrol- irpoffO^ffca 5e ori Kal rf]v pei^ova Kal T€\fcaT€pav apx^v- This is the

doctrine of the Catholic Church.

126 Baneful influence of Cardinal Richelieu.

CHAP. in. Here was one of those thoughts which act upon
and influence the minds and the conduct of rulers
long before they are developed into shape, or
reduced to a theory. Some clever statesman at
length makes the idea his own, and thus, it is
digested into a system and takes its name from
the minister who noticed and elaborated it. Then
the system is worked with untiring industry,
and developed to its extreme consequences. Who
would have believed that we should owe a system,
ruinous to the liberties, nay, to the very existence
of the Church, to a Prelate ? This Prelate was
animated by all that looked like piety, but he was
a king's minister. When Kichelieu depressed the
nobles in order to set free the supreme power which
he held in his own hands, he knew not that he was
moulding that monarchy of modern Thrones which
has become intolerable to the people, who, being
strong, rebel against it.; intolerable, too, to the
clergy, who, being weak, submit to it. Nor is
there any hope of deliverance save in the secret
prayer which implores God to send a new Moses,
who may deliver His people from their Egyptian
bondage. May He Who dwells in the bush that
is not consumed, send such an one speedily to
His oppressed Church !

LXXI. It is obvious that ecclesiastical wealth,

Church wealth a source of disunion. 127

if not spent in works of charity, will be an object CHAP. in.
of envy to the lower orders ; of hatred to the
nobles, who look upon such wealth as so many
patrimonies alienated from their houses ; and of
covetousness to governments. Thus we find here
another copious source of disunion among the
people of God. We must also bear in mind that,
from the natural order of things, the unarmed
clergy have no power to protect their possessions.
And all unprotected wealth will, sooner or later,
be the prey of the strong, whose covetousness is
powerfully excited by the spectacle of treasures
easy to seize. It is evident that the repeated
spoliations of the Church in all ages are due to
the weakness of those who possessed her wealth.
This explains why the nobles were so much less
frequently pillaged than were the ecclesiastics.
The nobles were much stronger : but whenever
they were weak in comparison with a hostile
power, it did not fail to pounce upon them, as
was finally seen in the French Revolution — not
so novel a catastrophe as people in general are
apt to think. But the most deplorable circum-
stance in the spoliation of the clergy is, that
ignorant men have conceived the false impression
that the wealth of the Church is one and the
same thing as the Church herself, and as the

128 Mistaken use of excommunication.

CHAP. in. Christian Religion. The clergy themselves helped
to foster this mistaken belief. Having no means
of defending their temporal goods from the
spoilers, save by depriving such persons of spiri-
tual privileges, they made the guilt of a sacri-
legious robbery the same thing as the renunciation
of religion. Hence those princes who had resolved
at all hazards to despoil the clergy, took counsel
together how to separate themselves entirely
from the Church. Assuredly if the clergy are
prudent, they will take a more cautious line at
the present day. The excommunications which
followed on the seizure of ecclesiastical pro-
perty, served to increase its guilt, inasmuch as
the guilt of theft is increased when those who
commit it openly and wittingly incur separation
from the Church. The crime is greater, the
impiety deeper, and a religious people, among
- whom the Faith yet lives, would be chary of
committing such a double sin ; and thus at certain
times and in certain places, excommunications
might protect the Church's possessions.1 But in

1 In the better times of the Church these Canonical punish-
ments, which cut the offender off from her, were used with great
reserve, lest he should be reduced to despair. In the Council
held at Carthage by St. Cyprian, after the Decian persecution,
A.D. 251, the cases of those who had apostatized during it were
investigated, and, after long debate, it was decided "not to take
away from them all hope of communion, lest, being desperate, they

Church wealth sometimes wisely surrendered. 129

unbelieving times, as indeed wherever passion CHAP. in.
and wickedness are in excess and ready to
brave anything, excommunication does not re-
strain the sinner, but rather provokes and incites
him to pass all bounds. Perhaps in some
countries Catholicism might have been saved from
shipwreck, had it laid aside the ill-used wealth
which imperilled it ; just as in a hurricane,
men cast into the sea the most precious cargoes,
if by so lightening the ship they may save her
and the lives of the sailors. Had the Church
yielded in time to Gustavus Yasa, or to
Frederic I., or to Henry VIII., the great wealth,
or even a part of it, which she held in Sweden, in
Denmark, and in England, the impoverished clergy
of those nations might possibly have saved both
her and themselves. They might have rekindled the
Faith by the very means whereby the Apostles
at first had planted it. But where shall we
find a very wealthy clergy courageous enough
to become voluntarily poor ? When is their
mental vision clear enough to see that an hour
has come in which to impoverish the Church is to
save her ? Possibly a long and sad experience —

should become worse ; and, seeing the Church shut against them,
they might go back to the world and paganism." Such was the
tenderness for human weakness of those days !

1 30 Proposal of de la Mennais.

CHAP. in. possibly the generous cry of liberty raised lately
by one who, whatever may be thought of him in
other respects, is governed by a noble aim which
raises him above everything petty, and by a
Catholic temper which is really uncommon and
which pervades all that he says, may not have
been uttered in vain. Not in vain it may have
reached the ears of the sentinels who are placed
by God to watch over Israel ! * The disquietude

1 I allude to the proposition made by a priest to the clergy of
France that they should renounce all government stipends, and
thus regain freedom ; a generous proposal, worthy of the first ages
of the Church. It recalls that liberty of which St. Paul was so
jealous, that for fear of damaging it he would not be maintained at
the expense of the faithful. He had the right, like any other
Apostle, to such maintenance. But he preferred to add the fatigue
of daily manual labour, whereby to supply his own necessities, to
the enormous labour of his Apostolate. " Omnia mihi licent," he
said, " sed ego sub nullius redigar potestate" (1 Cor. vi. 12). Such
noble thoughts are strange to our times, yet surely some hearts
will receive them ; the seed sown will not perish without bringing
forth fruit, and the Word of God shall not return unto Him void.

But he who uttered this Divine saying, he who prized thus
highly the liberty of the Church, why did he lavish it on the
wicked ? why did he not see that liberty belongs to truth alone ?
why did he make over the rights of unchangeable truth to false-
hood ? why did he raise a godless humanity to that rank which
belongs solely to humanity rendered God-like by Christ? Why did
he not bring himself reverently to recognize in the Church, that
is, in the company of the sons of God, " the pillar and ground of
the truth," instead of hoping to find that pillar and ground among
the sons of Adam ? Undoubtedly the system is coherent. If
truth belongs to sinful humanity, so may liberty. But I do not
believe that truth and righteousness can be separated. 1 believe
that truth appertains to good men only, and that the right of

Speculations about the future. 131

of the people may express itself in materalized CHAP. in.
forms. A feeling which is struggling for expres-
sion does assume the first form which it meets with,
however inadequate and even contradictory to its
own idea. Bat perchance this very disquietude
and these murmurs may have a secret source,
undiscovered as yet by the peoples themselves.
Even where irreligion seems most triumphant, a
latent craving for the faith may lie concealed.
Men may feel the need for a religion that can be
freely imparted to the heart of the people without

freedom does not accompany error. Therefore man is not born free,
but is made free by Christ, through Whom he receives the light of
truth and righteousness. To those who know that they do not pos-
sess the truth, but are ever seeking it, while they cannot even deceive
themselves into thinking that they have more than a vain hope
never to be fulfilled, to such as these belongs that doctrine of
despair which asserts that " all thoughts issuing from the heart of
man have an equal right to propagate themselves, and to attack the
weak and yielding convictions of the people." A Catholic cannot
hold such a doctrine. He knows that he possesses the truth ; he
appreciates its dignity, its priceless value ; he feels that he has no
power to alienate its rights. And for this reason the Chief of
the Church made his voice heard when a doctrine was set forth
as Catholic, which he denied to be such .... May God give
light to that man's soul ! We cannot speak of him without
unbounded esteem and affection. May He give him such victory
over himself, such strength of mind, that, conquering his own self-
love, and the flatteries of his friends and enemies, he may return
loyally to the way of truth. He has done it such good service, and
has testified towards it so much love and devotion, that, if he
would be consistent with himself, he has involved himself in a
positive necessity of recanting his errors and submitting himself
fully to the imperishable Chair, to which the teaching of truth is
entrusted.

1 3 2 God may be preparing the Churctis freedom.

CHAP. in. any intervention of princes and rulers. It may
be that the irreligious cry lies even to itself, and,
in its hatred of the enslaved ministers of religion,
confuses true religion with the object of its hatred.
Divine Providence may be preparing a re-ordering
of nations with a purpose far other than that of
diminishing taxation ; since heavier taxes are en-
dured with patience by the people in times of
revolution. It may be intended by such means —
little as we can understand what heaven designs,
—to give freedom to the Church of Him, in Whose
hands are all things.

CHAPTER IV.

Of tfje OTounfc fa tfje iSfgftt Jpoot of tfje

fofiicf) is tfjat tje Nomination of 23is|)ops is giben
up to tfie Hag

LXXII. EVERY free society has an inherent right
to elect its own officers. This right is as essential
and inalienable as that of existence. A society
which has given up to others the election of its
own officers, has in so doing parted with itself, and
has no independent existence ; those with whom
the election of its officers rests, can from moment
to moment maintain or put an end to its existence.
It only exists for the pleasure of another, and by
his permission. Thus it has only an apparent and
precarious, not a real and lasting, existence.

LXXIII. Now, if there is on earth one society
that has a right to exist, and this is the same
thing as having a right to be free, all Catholics
will certainly agree that it is the Church of Jesus
Christ. For she derives that right from the

134 The Apostles chose their successors.

CHAP. iv. undying promise of her Divine Founder. And
that promise, which will outlive heaven and earth,
is guaranteed by the words, " Lo, I am with you
alway, even unto the end of the world."1 The
Church of God cannot give up her government
into the hands of others. She cannot in any way
barter away or alienate the election of her rulers.
For she cannot destroy herself; and every
concession of the kind referred to is in itself null
and void ; it is a contract invalid from the first,
a mere bond of iniquity.

LXXIY. Our Lord first chose the Apostles ;
they chose their successors.2 And the right of
electing3 those who should receive the deposit
which they are bound to transmit through the
world to the end of time, has always appertained 4
and always must appertain to the successors of the
Apostles. They alone must give account for it to
the Master Who has deigned to place that deposit

1 St. Matt, xxviii. 20.

2 We read in the Acts of the Apostles, that Paul and Barnabas
''ordained elders in every Church" (xiv. 23); that is, Bishops
and priests.

3 [The author seems here to be confusing the right of election
with that of ratification.— ED.]

4 St. Paul had consecrated Titus Bishop of Crete, and writes to
him, bidding him do the like for other cities : " For this cause left
I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that
are wanting, and ordain elders in every city " (that is Bishops),
" as I had appointed thee " (Titus i. 5).

Spirit of the government of the Church. 135

in their hands. Thus the guilt of the evil selec- CHAP. iv.
tion of the Church's Bishops falls on the head of
those earlier Prelates, who first let the election of
their successors pass out of their keeping ; or who
did not use every means in their power to discover
others with clean hands and fitted to receive the
sacred deposit of the Word and -the institutions of
our Lord Jesus Chri&t.

LXXV. It is true that the government in-
stituted by our Lord in His ChuTch is not an
earthly rule, but a service of good will to men, a
ministry of salvation to their souls.1 Accordingly it
is not governed at the will of a stern authority. It
does not stand on harsh right. It is flexible, and
based on humility and reason. It may be said to
take its laws from the subjects for whose benefit
it was established. Such is its constitution as to
have large capacities for good, and none for evil ;
the only right of which it boasts, is the right to
aid mankind. Hence arose that gentle principle
of ecclesiastical government, which was universally

1 Origen says, " He who is called to the Episcopate, is so called
not that he may command, but that he may serve the Church ; and
he must serve her with such modesty and humility as may benefit
him who renders and those who receive the service." He adds
this reason : " that such is the character of all Christian rule, and
specially of the Church, inasmuch as the government of Christians
should be altogether different from that of the heathen, which
is hard, insolent, and vain " (Horn, in Matt. xx. 25). All the
Fathers held this evangelical doctrine.

136 Bishops and presbyters chosen by the people.

CHAP. iv. acted on in the first ages of the Church, and espe-
cially in the election of her chief Pastors. It was,
that "The clergy judges, the people counsels." Of
course, as a matter of strict and rigid right,
the Christian people could have no share in the
election of Bishops. But wisdom and charity
guided the rulers of the Church in their exer-
cise of the power which they had received from
Christ, softening and tempering it. Therefore
these wise Prelates avoided all secret or arbitrary
decisions. They desired the counsel and testimony
of others, and they held the advice of the whole
body of the faithful to be the most trustworthy
and the best. Thus the Church of believers acted
as one man ; and, although in this " man " the
head was distinguishable from the members, it did
not reject the services of those members, or cut
itself off from its trunk out of a desire of being
alone or independent. Thus it arose that the
wishes of the people designated both Bishops and
priests.1 Nor was it unreasonable that those who
were to entrust their own souls (and what greater
trust could a believing people give ?) into the
hands of a man, should know what manner of man

1 The Roman Pontifical still retains the ceremony in which
the Bishop asks of those about to be ordained whether they have
witnesses to their fitness among the faithful. But, alas ! what an
admission I make, when I say that the ceremony is retained !•

Clergy the confidants of the people. 137

he was, and should have confidence in him, in his CHAP- IV-
holiness and his prudence.1 But when the Bishop
and the priest cease to be pastors save in name ;
when, they cease to be the confidants, the friends,
the fathers of the faithful, who with hearty trust
give into their hands not only all they hold dearest,
but themselves also ; when the clergy confine
themselves to the forms and outward ceremonies of
religion, bringing themselves almost to the level
of the ancient pagan priests ; 2 when it has come

1 Origen says (Horn. xxii. on Num. and vi. on Levit.) that "in
the appointment of Bishops, besides the election of God, the
presence of the people is desired, in order that all may be assured
that the newly elected Pontiff is the best and most learned to be
found ; the holiest, and the most remarkable for all virtue. The
people should be present, so that none may have any cause to
complain, and that every scruple may be done away."

2 Such a view of the priesthood is but too prevalent : men
believe, or affect to believe, that the functions of the Christian
priest are confined to the material walls of the Church ! Listen
to what M. Dupin said not long since in the Chamber of Deputies
of France (stance Feb. 23, 1833) : " J'ai le plus profond respect
pour la libertd du pretre, tant qu'il se renferme dans ses fonctions :
si cette liberte £tait attaque'e, je serais le premier a la deTendre ;
mais que le pretre se contente du maniement des choses saintes, et
qu'il ne sorte pas du seuil de son Eglise ; hors de la, il rentre pour le
moins dans la foule des citoyens, il n'a plus de droits que ceux du
droit commune. " Is it the Catholic priest, the priesthood founded
by Jesus Christ, that is thus spoken of ? When did He limit the
priesthood to the Church's walls ? Did He not rather say, " Go,
teach all nations"? Did He not say, "Ye are the salt of the
earth " ? When did the Divine Founder, Who taught that the
true believer must " worship the Father in spirit and in truth,"
speak of material temples ? Did He not give His priests power to

138 Interest of the people in their chief Pastors.

CHAP. iv. to this pass in a religion which teaches men to
worship God in spirit and in truth ; then it is
easy for the people to receive with indifference
any Pastor who may be imposed on them. And
the right of electing such Pastors passes as easily
from hand to hand, from one authority to another,
as might be the case with the ownership of houses
or lands. Yet we hear invectives against the public
indifference in religious matters. And all the while
the people are trained, and required to receive
as their Bishop any unknown individual whatso-
ever, with whom they have no common interests, no
ties created by past benefits, whose good works they
have never witnessed, never even heard of ! Well
indeed is it if his works are only good works.
But when the people are required and taught to be
indifferent about their own Pastors, is it not equiva-
lent to teaching them indifference to the doctrine
which may be set before .them, and to the course of
conduct in which they may be led? Is it not teach-
ing them that it is no longer necessary for men to

bind and to loose? and was that power valid only inside the
Churches ? When He bade them teach His truth from the house-
tops ; when He commissioned them, saying, "As the Father hath
sent Me, so send I you ; " when He bade them confront the lords
and tyrants of the world with His Gospel, did He confine the
Christian priesthood within such restrictions as M. Dupin would
now impose? But his ignorance or prejudice is in a measure
excusable, as the result of the sad state of public affairs, and of
the difficulties raised in the way of religion by politics.

Moral effects of an unwelcome Bishop. 139

have confidence in the ministers of religion ; that CHAP. EV.
they may set aside the needs of their souls and
repentance ; in short, that they can do without
religion, or that at all events they may rest
satisfied with its purely outward and material
aspects ? And what else is this than to lay upon
the people a blind, irrational obedience, which is
but the synonym for religious indifference ? * It
is true that when once a Christian people has been
brought to this pass, it must be really perverted.
Christianity must be well-nigh extinct in souls,
and only the habits of religion left. Of such
an unfortunate people, which, by dint of a secret,
slow, steady corruption, has unconsciously lost

1 The great St. Leo knew well that to force the people to accept
an unwelcome Bishop was to demoralize them, and this was one
reason why he persisted in upholding the ancient discipline of
the Church concerning the election of Bishops, as carried out
by the clergy, the people, and the provincial Bishops. For
instance, he writes thus to Anastasius, Bishop of Thessalonica,
A.D. 445 (Ep. xiv. § 5) : " When it is a question of electing the chief
priest, let him be preferred above all others who is required by the
consent of both clergy and people ; and if the votes should be equal,
let the Metropolitan prefer him who has obtained most affection,
and is a man of greater merit ; only give heed that none shall be
elected who are not wished or asked for ; lest the people, being
thwarted should despise or hate their Bishop, and lest they should
become less religious than is fitting, not having obtained him they desired.
*Ne plebs invitaEpiscopumaut contemnat aut oderit ; et fiat minus
religiosa quam convenit, cui non licuerit habere quern voluerit.' "
So thought St. Leo. See further what the same Bishop writes in his
letter to the Bishops of the province of Vienne, cap. 3, and in that
to Rusticus of Narbonne, c. 7.

140 Results of the "conversion of society''

CHAP. iv. its religious principles, become dead to its religious
interests, practically independent of its Bishops,1
indifferent to the ecclesiastic who may preside in
the choir and perform the sacred rites which it
does not understand, we may well quote what
was said by a Father of the Church in the third
century, " that God provides pastors for the
Churches according to the deserts of the people." 2
LXXYI. But if we wish to discover the origin
of this sore trouble, we must go back to the fatal
epoch when the period which I have termed that of
the conversion of society began in the Church. It
is an epoch which explains all ecclesiastical history
after the first six centuries, since it contains the
seeds of all its prosperity and of all its woes.
It is an epoch when the clergy counted for much
in the balance of temporal power, because they
were both strong and correspondingly wealthy.3

1 One fact suffices to show how close was the union and de-
pendence, in primitive times, of the people on their Bishop ;
namely, that not merely priests, but the faithful laity also who
moved from one province to another, were expected to take with
them letters from their own Bishops, in proof that they were in
the communion of the Church. A Council of Aries accordingly
ordains " that even the governors of provinces, being of the faithful,
shall like others carry letters of communion from their Bishops, and
the Bishop of the place where they are in authority shall bear them
in mind, and excommunicate them if they are guilty of any breach of
discipline." It was the same with respect to all holding public offices.

2 Origen on the Book of Judges, Horn. iv. § 3.

3 At a still earlier period, when the emperors had but just

Wealth and power dangerous to the clergy. 141

Of course, so soon as the clergy was powerful CHAP. iv.
and rich after the manner of worldly greatness,
it became the interest and policy of monarchs
to keep the upper hand over them, and with this
object to take part in the election of Bishops.
Thus the first sees in which the lay power seized
upon the right of election were Antioch and Con-
stantinople, where the emperors resided, and where
the Patriarch's power was more widely extended.1

become Christians, they made some attempt to interfere with the
election of Bishops, but in reality this was not so much their own
fault as that of unworthy ecclesiastics, who induced them thus to
aim at subverting the Church's constitution. It is so easy for a
secular prince to be deceived by the hypocrisy and effrontery and
ignorance of bad clergymen, above all in ecclesiastical matters ! The
great Athanasius himself had but too good cause to complain of
some such attempts on the part of Constantine the Great. That
mighty champion of the Divinity of the Word writes thus of
Constantine, "He, seeking to alter the laws, to dissolve the consti-
tutions of our Lord transmitted to us ly the Apostles, and to change the
customs of the Church, invented a new way of appointing Bishops !
He sent them to an unwilling people from strange regions, even fifty
days journey off. They were escorted by soldiers. These Bishops,
instead of being received and judged of by the people, themselves
bore to their judges letters of menace " (Epist. ad solitariam vitam
agentes). Here we see how important a place the right election of
Bishops by clergy and people held in the Church's constitution,
and how the institution was considered as Divine, and maintained
by Apostolic tradition. St. Cyprian, too (Ep. Ixviii.), affirms
that this manner of electing Bishops is of Divine right, " de
traditione divina et apostolica observatione descendit." Observe
well likewise the blame expressed by St. Athanasius to Constantine
because he sent Bishops " ex aliis locis et quinquaginta mansionum
intervallo disjunctis ! "

1 Nevertheless the Canonical election by clergy and people was

142 Efforts of councils to protect

CHAP. iv. LXXVII. The struggle with the secular arm,
striving to appropriate the election of Bishops,
lasted for many centuries. The Church promul-
gated her Canons in self-defence. But the value
of such instruments depends upon the religious
feeling that may exist among princes and people.
Thus the proportion in which freedom in the
election of the clergy was lessened, may be taken
as a sure gauge of the decline of faith, of morality,
and of piety, both in the rulers and in the nations.
The history is briefly this : —

required, as well as the emperor's command. For instance, Epi-
phanius, Patriarch of Constantinople in the beginning of the sixth
century, giving an account of his election to the Roman Pope
Hormisdas, after recounting that he was elected by the Emperor
Justinian and all the nobles, adds, "nor was the consent of the
priests, the monks, and the people, wanting." (" Simul et sacerdotum
et monacorum et fidelissimcE plebis consensus accessit.") Again, in
the same century, the epistle of the Pope Agapetus, which was read
in the Synod of Constantinople, held under the Patriarch Mennas,
speaking of that Patriarch's election, says expressly that the im-
perial assent was given, but only as an accessory, dwelling on that
which was according to the Canonical law, namely, the election by
clergy and people. The Pope's words are as follows : — " Cui,
licet, prseter caeteros, serenissimorum imperatorum electio arriserit,
similiter tamen et totius cleri ac populi consensus accessit, ut et a
singulis eligi crederetur ; " breathing the true spirit of ecclesiastical
liberty.

What was the reason that at certain times the Patriarchate of
Constantinople became avowedly open to purchase ; and, again,
that the Papacy itself at other times was sold ? What, indeed,
but the temporal goods which were no longer devoted to charity,
but to the pomp of these sees ] Men of the world are not inclined
to spend without receiving an equivalent.

the freedom of Episcopal elections. 143

Already in the sixth century the sovereign's CHAP. iv.
favour had begun to weigh more with the Elec-
tors than the merits of the candidate, and the
Councils were eager to meet the danger by
means of Canons, designed to protect the freedom
of such elections.

In the year 500, in a Council held at Rome,
where 218 Bishops were assembled, Pope Sym-
machus published a decree confirming the
Canonical elections of Bishops, in opposition
to the lay power, which was continually striving
to interfere. The decree began thus : " We will
not that they should have any power to set up
in the Church those whom it behoves them to
obey, not to command ; " and after this preface,
he confirms the ancient manner of electing
Bishops by the votes of clergy and people.1

1 From the first ages to the present time the Church has ever
attached the greatest importance to keeping the old form of Epis-
copal election inviolable ; that is to say, the assent of all, and the
decision of the clergy. While on a subject of such deep interest
to the Divine constitution of the Church, I will cite several docu-
ments prior to the sixth century, which confirm the ever-watchful
care of the Church to maintain her elections uninfluenced by any
secular power whatsoever.

As early as the date of the Council of Nice it was found needful to
fix the Apostolic and Divine form of election by a Canon (the sixth),
and this proves that the emperors had hardly become Christian
before they threatened the liberties of the Church. For similar
reasons the ensuing Councils did not fail to publish decrees in
order to preserve intact the ancient and lawful method of electing

1 44 Conciliar legislation in the sixth century.

CHAP. iv. In the year 535, the Council of Clermont1
enacted that Bishops should be appointed by the
election of the clergy and citizens, and with the
consent of the Metropolitan, without the interven-
tion of the favour of great men, without intrigues,
and without the employment of violence or bribery
to obtain the writ of election. If it were done
otherwise, the consenting candidate was to be de-
prived of communion with the Church he sought
to rule.2

We find a similar care to keep the elections
free from secular influence in the second Council
of Orleans, A.D. 533 ;3 in the third, A.D. 538 ;4

Bishops by the clergy and people ; among others, see the decrees
of the Council at Antioch (Can. 19, 23).

Among the Apostolic Canons we find the twenty-ninth speaking
thus : " If any Bishop has obtained his See by the influence or
favour of secular princes, he shall be deposed, and cut off, as shall
be all those who communicate with him."

Early in the fifth century, Pope Celestine I. put forth a decretal
with the same object : " Nullus invitis detur Episcopus ; cleri,
plebis et ordinis consensus et desiderium requiratur."

St. Leo the Great, who filled the Chair of St. Peter from A.D. 440
to 461, was constantly bent on guaranteeing the free and Canonical
election of Bishops. It will suffice to quote the injunction to Anas-
tasius, Bishop of Thessalonica, where he says, " Nulla ratio sinit,
ut inter Episcopos habeantur, qui nee a clericis sunt electi, nee a
plebe expetiti, nee a Provincialibus cum Metropolitan! judicio con-
secrati."

i Can. 2. 2 Can. 4. 3 Can. 7.

4 Canon 3. Fleury, giving an account of this Council, says that
" in it was recommended the ancient form of election of the provin-
cial Bishops, with the consent of clergy and citizens, probably by

Royal assent made necessary. 145

as well as that in Clermont, A.D. 535, and others ; CHAP iv.
all of which plainly show how much need the
Church already had to protect herself against
the worldly power, which pressed more and more
heavily on her, and seized upon her rights.

Soon after this there was a successful effort in
France to obtain the sanction of the law of the
Church for the necessity of the Eoyal Assent. It
had already become a practical necessity in Epis-
copal elections. This was done by means of the
celebrated Canon of the fifth Council of Orleans,
A.D. 549, in which, however, the rights of the
people and clergy are guarded.1

Nor is it other than reasonable to require the
Eoyal Assent ; on the contrary, it is obviously
agreeable to the temper of the Church. Eager
for peace and unity she would have the Minis-
ters of the sanctuary acceptable to every one,
above all to the rulers of the people. But the danger
involved in the Assent is lest it should become a
command,2 or a sovereign grace ; in which case the

reason of the unfit men who began to be thrust in by the temporal
power " (lib. xxxii. § 59).

1 Can. 10. "Nulli episcopatum prsemiis aut comparatione liceat
adipisci, sed cum voluntate regis juxta electionem cleri ac plebis. "

2 As it only too soon fell out. Among the forms in use in France
under the Merovingian kings, which are preserved by Marculfus
(lib. i., formula 5. See also Sirmondus, * ' Concilia Antiqua
Galliae," vol. ii. A pp.), we find not that of the consent of the king

L

146 Royal assent becomes Royal command.

CHAP. IV. Church which is free as a matter si grace, is a
slave as matter of justice^ The grace of kings is
of its nature arbitrary. And whether the Church
was to have more or less worthy Pastors would de-
pend on the will or caprice of laymen merely because

to the Bishops' election, but that of his precept. It is thus
worded : ' ' With the counsel and will of the Bishops, and of our
nobles, according to the will and consent of the clergy and people

of the same city, in the aforesaid city N , we commit to you

in the Name of 4God the pontifical dignity. Therefore with this
same precept, we decide and command that the aforesaid city and
the properties of her Church, and her clergy, be subject to your
rule and authority." Nothing is more common among the writers
of that period than the phrase " by command of the king," such
and such a one was made Bishop. We find also the forms of
supplication presented by the people to the king, asking him to exer-
cise this power ; supplications, forsooth, for such an exercise of power!
1 Vanity and flattery invented these terms, which at first are
unimportant, but they quickly acquire only too real an import-
ance. Such language is not merely the expression of the steady
faithful respect due to kings ; it becomes, from time to time, bitterly
satirical. Surely that is a bitter irony of a learned author of the
last century, who, being censured for having said of the times we
treat of, that it was " a benefaction of the king which allowed the
clergy to enjoy freedom of election, and that the king was the
judge and arbiter of the elections " (as if the two assertions were
compatible !), defends himself by replying that the royal "benefac-
tion " meant that the kings had left off their usurpations ! Is not this
something like the benefaction of highway robbers, who spare their
victims' lives ? I give the words of the author, who is heartily
devoted to the secular power. "Jus eligendi penes clerum erat.
Sed quia saepe reges electionum usum interturbaverant, assensum
in merum imperium vertere soliti, Ecclesia Gallicana his qui veterem
electionum usum restituerant, ut Ludovico Pio, plurimum se debere
profitebatur. Eorum certe beneficiorum erat asserta et vindicata
sacrarum electionum libertas,"etc. (Natalis Alex, ad calcem Dissert
VI. in S83C. xv. et xvi.).

Councils of Orleans and of Paris. 147

they were powerful, and of such and such men or CHAP. iv.
women who might have acquired influence with
them.

This is exactly what came to pass. Not the
royal assent only was reckoned a grace, but even
the royal command. And at last it became a
grace which was sold very dearly, the price being
nothing less than the property of the Church,1 her
degradation, and the loss of souls.2

In consequence of this danger, the third
Council of Paris, which was held four years after
that of Orleans, A.D. 553, reinstated by a Canon
the ancient freedom of elections, without making
any mention of the royal consent. The eighth
Canon of that Synod says, " No Bishop shall be
appointed contrary to the will of the citizens, but
he only whose election has been heartily and volun-
tarily demanded by the people and the clergy.
No one shall be thrust in by royal command, or

1 St. Gregory of Tours wrote, A.D. 527 : " Jam tune germen illud
iniquum coeperat fructificare, ut sacerdotium aut venderetur a
regibus aut compararetur a clericis." He writes thus after cit-
ing various instances of ecclesiastics who had obtained sees from
monarchs, not by reason of their virtues, but by purchase.

2 The Gothic kings even usurped the nomination of the Pope,
interrupting the Canonical election. After they were driven out of
Italy, Justinian assumed the right of confirming the papal elec-
tion, and his successors exacted from each new Pope a heavy mulct
as the price of this confirmation, which was paid up to the time of
Constantino Pogonatus, A.D. 668.

IIRRARY ST MARY'S COLLEGE

148 Letter of Gregory the Great.

CHAP. iv. by any other means, contrary to the will of the
Metropolitan, and of the con-provincial Bishops.
And if any one by an excess of audacity shall dare
to invade this dignity under pretext of the king's
appointment, he shall be counted unworthy to be
received by the con-provincials of that country,
who shall hold him to be unduly appointed."

Towards the end of this same sixth century,
the great Pope St. Gregory felt how much was
involved in the Church's freedom ; and at the
same time he saw plainly that such Bishops as
owed their exaltation to the secular power would
be the slaves of that power. On the occasion of
the death of Natalis, Bishop of Salona, the metro-
polis of Dalmatia, he wrote thus to the Subdeacon
Antoninus, in charge of the patrimony of that
province, A.D. 593 : " Give notice at once to the
clergy and people of the city, that they unite to
elect a Bishop, and send hither the decree of
election, in order that the Bishop may be con-
secrated with our consent, as of old. Above all,
give good heed that neither royal nor any other
power take part in this matter, since whosoever
is appointed by their means, is constrained to
obey his patrons, at the expense of the Church's
property and discipline." l

1 Ind. 11, bk. iii. ep. 22. St. Gregory was most vigilant with

Opposition between French Councils and Kings. 149

In the year 615 the fifth Council of Paris also CHAP. iv.
proclaimed the freedom of elections. But Clothaire
II. modified its decision by an edict in which he
protested his desire that the Canons concerning
Episcopal elections should be carefully observed
except in the case of such Bishops as he chose
to have appointed, or whom he should send as
chosen from among the worthiest priests of his
Court : an edict which was maintained by his
successor Dagobert.1

The Council of Chalons-sur-Saone, however,
under Clovis II., A.D. 650, once more declared null
and void, without exception, all such elections as
did not proceed according to the forms prescribed
by the Fathers.2

At this period we find a continual struggle,
although a secret and guarded one, going on in
France between the King and the clergy ; the
King striving to usurp the Episcopal elections,

respect to the freedom of Episcopal elections, and we find this argu-
ment often reiterated in his letters. Among others see iii. ep. 7.

1 The language of the edict, which is a contradiction in terms,
is as follows, " Ideoque definitionis nostrse est, ut canonum statuta
in omnibus conserventur. . . . Ita ut, Episcopo decedente, in loco
ipsius, qui a Metropolitano ordinari debet cum Provincialibus a
clero et populo eligatur." After these fair words, there follows
immediately, " Et si persona icondigna fuerit, per ordinationem
principis ordinetur : vel certe, si de palatio eligitur, per meritum
personaa et doctrines ordinetur." This was how the civil power
meant the ' Canonum statuta ' to be maintained in omnibus !
2 Canon 10.

I5° Opposition of Church and State in France.

CHAP. iv. the clergy to maintain their freedom. l This
struggle was attended with various vicissitudes,
in which, however, the Church, if not altogether
conquered, was at least always hardly pressed
and weighed down by the heavy force opposed to
her.

Assuredly the Popes were not blind to the

1 To instance facts. Gregory of Tours (Lib. iv. c. 5, 6) relates
how the Bishops entreated Cato, who had been canonically elected
to the Bishopric of Clermont, to allow himself to be consecrated
without waiting for King Theobald's nomination, A.D. 554. He also
relates (Lib. vi. c. 7) how Albinus succeeded to Ferreolus in the see
of Uzes extra regis consilium ; going on to tell how, after Albinus'
death, the Royal Precept conferred this see on a certain Jovinus,
but the con-provincial Bishops being summoned to make a Canonical
election, they set Jovinus aside, and appointed the Deacon Mar-
cellus (Lib. vii. c. 31). The citizens of Tours asked the King to
appoint as their Bishop Euphonius, whom they had elected accord-
ing to the Canons. The King answered, " Prceceperam ut Cato
presbyter illic ordinaretur, et cur est spreta jussio nostra ? "
(Gregor. Touron. , lib. iv. c. 15). King Clothaire having appointed
Emerius Bishop of Saintes, he was tolerated ; but on the death of
the King the Metropolitan Leontius called together the Bishops
of the province, and deposed Emerius as being uncanonically
appointed, A.D. 562 (Greg. Tours. , lib. iv. c. 26). In a similar way
the Bishops of Aquitaine made haste to consecrate the priest Fau-
stinianus to the see of Aqui, although King Chilperic had destined
it for Count Mcetius (Greg. Tur. vii. 31). Hence Constantine
Roncaglia wisely observes that, "the fact that the Bishops held it
to be a duty- to oppose the King when he sought to meddle with
Episcopal appointments, proves that princes were never in tranquil
possession of the power they assumed of directing such appoint-
ments according to their will ; " and that "the Church never gave
her willing consent to such assumption, although she was often
constrained to put up with many such trials, rather than expose
her children to worse treatment. "

Gregory II. ; the second Council of Nice. i 5 T

peril which was daily increasing, through royal CHAP IV
invasion of the right of Episcopal elections. Its /
success would place the Church wholly in the
power of the Crown. Early in the eighth century
we find Gregory II. writing to the Eastern
Emperor to admonish him not to infringe the
sacred rights of the Church, with respect to the
selection of her own Prelates.1 But meanwhile
the governing power was perpetually renewing its
attacks, and the Church could do nothing in self-
defence save by means of new laws and Canons.

The seventh (Ecumenical 2 Council, which was
held at Nice, A.D. 787, did not fail in one of its
Canons to shield the Church from the secular
power which considers itself free to do whatever
it can. The Holy Council says,3 " All elections
of Bishops, priests, or deacons made by princes
shall be null, according to the law which decides
that whosoever obtains for himself a Church
through the secular power shall be* deposed and
cut off, with all such as communicate with him.
Thus it is necessary that all who are to be pro-

1 Among other things he addresses the following remarkable
words to Leo the Isaurian : "Quemadmodnm pontifex introspi-
ciendi in palatium potestatem non habet ac dignitates regias defe-
rendi : sic neque imperator in Ecclesiam introspiciendi et electiones
in clero peragendi " (Epist. ii. ad Leon. Isaur.).

2 [So-called.— ED.] 3 Canon 3.

152 Admonition of the Synod of Thionville.

CHAP. iv. moted to the Episcopate should be elected by the
Bishops, as was ruled by the Holy Fathers as-
sembled at Nice."

The Synod held near the town of Thionville,1
A.D. 844, sent a solemn monition to the royal
brothers, Lothaire, Louis, and Charles, in order
that the Churches should not remain any longer
widowed of their Pastors. This was the case when
the Episcopal elections depended on princes, who,
distracted by their own quarrels, had neither
time nor inclination to consider the interests of the
Church. As a consequence, the Church shared all the
vicissitudes of the civil government. The fathers
of the Synod speak with dignity and freedom. " As
the ambassadors of God, we admonish you that
those sees which by reason of your discords now
remain without Pastors should forthwith, and
without any taint of heretical simony, receive
their Bishops, who should be given them by Grod,
conformably to the authority of the Canons, being
duly designated by you, and consecrated by the
grace of the Holy Spirit."

About the same time Pope Nicholas I., always
a strenuous supporter of the Canons, did not fail
loudly to protest against the abuse whereby the lay
power had taken to interfere with Episcopal elec-

1 Canon 2.

Council of Constantinople, A.D. 869. 153

tions. This may be seen, among other documents, CHAP. iv.
in a letter he addressed to the Bishops of Lothaire's
kingdom, commanding them under pain of ex-
communication to warn the King to remove Ilduin
from the See of Cambrai, which he had conferred
on that person, albeit unworthy and irregular, and
to allow " the Clergy and people of that Church
to elect a Bishop in the manner ordered by the
Canons." x

The eighth (Ecumenical 2 Council of Constanti-
nople was convened in A.D. 869, under the suc-
cessor of the great Nicholas, Adrian II. At this
time the liberty of the Church had already been
seriously impaired. 3 The same protests were
made in its defence ; the same ancient rules
respecting the Episcopal elections were repeated ;
there were prohibitions against the appointment
of Bishops by the authority and command of
princes, under pain of deposition;4 and, finally,

1 Ep. xli. 2 [So-called.— ED.]

3 The French Bishops could not at that time leave the kingdom
without express permission from the King ; neither could a Metro-
politan send a Bishop as his legate beyond the kingdom, as we
find from the letter of Hincmar of Rheims to Pope Adrian, A.D.
869.

* Can. 12. "Apostolicis et synodicis canonibus promotiones
et consecrationes Episcoporum, et potentia et prseceptione prin-
cipum factas penitus interdicentibus, concordantes, definimus, et
sententiam nos quoque proferimus, ut si quis Episcopus, per ver-
sutiam vel tyrannidem principum, hujus modi dignitatis conse-
crationem susceperit, deponatur omnimodis, utpote qui non ex

154 Council of Constantinople, A.D. 869.

iv. laymen in high positions were forbidden to inter-
fere with Episcopal elections, unless invited to do
so by the Church.1

voluntate Dei, et ritu ac decreto ecclesiastico, sed ex voluntate
carnalis sensus, ex hominibus, et per homines, Dei donum possidere
voluit vel consensit."

Can. 22. " Promotiones atque consecrationes Episcoporum,
concordans prioribus conciliis, electione ac decreto Episcoporum
Collegii fieri, sancta hsec et universalis Synodus definit et statuit
atque jure promulgat, neminem laicorum principum vel potentura
semel inserere electioni Patriarchs, vel Metropolitae, aut cujus-
libet Episcopi ; ne videlicet inordinata hinc et incongrua fiat con-
f usio vel coiitentio : prsesertim cum nullam in talibus potestatem
quemquam potestativorum vel cajterorum laicorum habere con-
veniat, sed potius silere ac attendere sibi, usquequo regulariter
a Collegio ecclesiastico suscipiat finem electio futuri Pontificis. Si
vero quis laicorum ad concertandum et co-operandum ab Ecclesia
invitatur licet hujus modi cum reverentia, si forte voluerit, obtem-
perare se asciscentibus ; taliter enirn sibi dignum Pastorem regu-
lariter ad Ecclesise suae salutem promoveat. Quisquis autem
saecularium principum et potent um, vel alterius dignitatis laicus,
adversus communem ac consonantem, atque canonicam electionem
ecclesiastici ordinis agere tentaverit, anathema sit, donee obediat ac
consentiat quod Ecclesia de electione ac ordinatione proprii praesulis
se velle monstraverit."

1 Fleury says, "These Canons are the more remarkable, that they
were published in the presence of. the Emperor and of the Senate "
(Lib. li. § 45). Other Canons in defence of liberty were framed
by this Council. The principal among these are as follows : Can.
21. " Those who are powerful in the world shall respect the five
Patriarchs and not seek to wrench from them the possession of
their sees ; or do anything against their honour ; " from which we
see that the Patriarchates were more exposed than other sees,
owing to their greater emoluments and temporal power. Can. 14.
" Bishops should not go far from their Churches to meet generals or
governors, — alighting from their horses, or prostrating themselves.
They should preserve the authority necessary for reproving great
personages, if needful." Can. 17. "Patriarchs have full right to
convoke the Metropolitans to their Council, when they shall see fit,

Councils : kow regarded by Christian princes. 155

But, alas ! reason and justice exercise but a CHAP. iv.
feeble influence upon mankind compared to tbat of
the passions, above all when these are strength-
ened by external forces. The Christian princes,
instead of giving heed to the exhortations, the com-
mands, the threats of their mother the Church,
only attempted fresh usurpations of her liber-
ties, backed up with legal subtleties as well as
with violence. I speak generally, for at all times
there were some docile and respectful monarchs
who obeyed her. Moreover, almost all royal
personages were more or less influenced by
the decisions and enactments which were perse-
veringly set forth by Popes and Synods concern-
ing the Church's discipline. Among these the
prominent point was always the right of election.
This somewhat restrained their eager efforts to
interfere with Episcopal appointments. They en-
deavoured to evade the Canonical laws by under-
hand means, while their usurpations were often
accompanied with respectful words and assurances
which contradicted and condemned their actions.1

without these latter excusing themselves on the plea that they
are detained by the prince." These words are added, " We reject
with horror that which some ignorant persons have said, i.e. that
Councils cannot be held without the presence of the prince/' Such
was the language of (Ecumenical [?] Councils !

1 For instance, observe with what a strange medley of command

156 Hincmar and King Louis III.

CHAP. iv. All this did not diminish the need for great
vigilance on the Church's part, or for courage on
that of her leaders. They were called to fight the
battles of the Lord, and they were inevitably objects
of the world's calumny. Their noble efforts to
defend the deposit entrusted to them, and to escape
the sentence of our Lord upon His unfaithful
servants, was attributed to personal pride and
ambition.

LXXVIII. One of these noble Prelates who,
towards the end of the ninth century, defended
the freedom of Episcopal elections with dignified
firmness, was the celebrated Archbishop of Rheims,

and entreaty, of submission and authority, of piety and self-asser-
tion, Louis II. writes to Adon, Bishop of Vienne, ordering or
beseeching him to appoint a certain Bernarius to the see of Grenoble,
merely because he was one of the Emperor Lothaire's clerks, and
that Emperor wished him to be made a Bishop. "Our beloved
brother Lothaire entreats our benignity (manmetudinem nostram)
to appoint a certain clerk called Bernarius to the see of Grenoble ;
which we of our benignity have done (quod nos benignissimefecimus)."
Remark the authoritative action of his 'f benignity," — first doing the
thing, and then humbly asking leave of the Church ! " Therefore
we admonish (monemus) your Holiness to appoint him, and to obey
(pbedias) speedily (mox), being assured of our consent that he be
consecrated in the Church of Grenoble." The recommendations of
Charles the Bald and Louis III. are in the same style, with as many
contradictions as there are words. Sometimes when recommending
a person, they added the clause, "if he be found worthy," — leaving
it to the Metropolitan to examine into his fitness ; but we may judge
how much such a clause was worth by the occurrences at the Council
of Fismes in the time of Louis III., of which we shall shortly
have more to say.

Hincmar and King Louis III. 157

Hincmar. Let us briefly review his dealings with CHAP. iv.
Louis III.

The Council of Fismes was held A.D. 881,
Archbishop Hincmar presiding. The see of
Beauvais was vacant in consequence of the death of
Bishop Odo, and a clerk named Odoacer presented
himself before the Council with a decree of election
by the clergy and people of Beauvais, which had
been obtained by Court influence. The Council
exercised its right of examining the candidate be-
fore confirming his appointment, and pronounced
him unfit for it. The fathers then wrote a letter
to the King, in which they set forth the reasons
why they could not, in obedience to the Canons,
proceed to consecrate Odoacer. It was taken to
the King by a deputation of Bishops. This caused
a great stir at Court, and people said that " when
the King permitted an election, the object of his
choice should be elected.1 Ecclesiastical endow-
ments were in his power, and he could give them

1 Remark the progress of usurpation. First, the secular power
hindered the Church's elections until she obtained permission
from it. Secondly, this permission became wholly a favour on
the sovereign's part, which he could arbitrarily concede or refuse.
Thirdly, this favour was no longer gratuitously granted, but had to
be bought. Fourthly, at last this royal favour having been bought,
and permission to elect freely thus obtained, it was shackled with
the condition that the election should still only fall on the candidate
whom the monarch selected !

158 Hincmar and King Louis III.

CHAP. iv. to whomsoever lie would." l The King wrote to
Hincmar in indistinct and self-contradictory lan-
guage. He expressed his " desire to be guided by
the Archbishop's counsels in the affairs both of
Church and State, and intreated him to feel the
same concern on his account, as for the kings his
predecessors," adding, as a proof of his royal inten-
tion of following such counsels, " I beg that I may
be enabled to give the Bishopric of Beauvais to
Odoacer, your dear son and my faithful servant,
with your assent and by your ministry. If you
oblige me in this, I will in all things have respect
to your wishes." 2 Is it fitting that Christ's Flock
be committed to a Pastor in order to oblige a man ?
Should souls redeemed by the Blood of Christ be
entrusted to a Bishop, not because he is wise and
holy, but because he is a royal favourite, and
therefore to be enriched with Episcopal endow-
ments ? What a reversal of all that is right !

Hincmar was not unequal to his duty. He
replied " that the letter of the Council contained
nothing that interfered with the respect due to the
King or the welfare of the State. Its only
object was to maintain the rights of the Metro-

1 Observe the confusion of ideas among these courtiers. The
possessions of the Episcopate were regarded by them, not as mere
accessories, but as its very substance and reality.

2 Hincm., ep. 12, torn ii. p. 188.

Hincmar addresses Louis III. 159

politan and the provincial Bishops in respect of CHAP. iv.
the examination and confirmation of Prelates ac-
cording to the Canons." He added, " The asser-
tion that you are master of these elections, and of
the Church's possessions, comes forth from hell
and the mouth of the serpent. Remember the
promise made by you at your consecration, signed
by your hand, and presented to God on His
altar before the Bishops. Read it over in the pre-
sence of your Council, and seek not to introduce
into the Church that which was never attempted
in the times of the great emperors who pre-
ceded you. I hope ever to maintain the fidelity
and devotion which I owe you. I took no small
thought for your election. Do not therefore render
me evil for good, by seeking to induce me in my
old age to forsake the holy maxims which, by the
grace of God, I have followed up to the present
time, through an Episcopate of thirty-six years.
As to the promises you make me, I do not venture
to ask anything of you, save what concerns your
own soul and in behalf of the poor. But I entreat
you to remember that ordinations contrary to the
Canons are simoniacal, and that all who have any
hand in them are partakers in the guilt. Nor do
I speak out of my own head or set forth my own
thoughts. I cite to you the words of Jesus Christ,

1 60 Duty of the Chiirch towards earthly princes.

CHAP. iv. of His Apostles and His Saints who reign with Him
in Heaven. Beware how you heed them not ! The
Bishops are gathering together in council, in order
to proceed to a regular election with the clergy
and people of Beauvais, and with your consent."

Bishops who spoke the truth to kings, after
this fashion and without disrespect, considered that
they were giving the best proof of their faithful
and inviolable attachment. How little do men
know each other ! Yet from whom should inon-
archs hope to hear the truth and the word of
G-od, if the Bishops withhold it? Would that
Bishops could learn the tone of that Apostolic
freedom, which is anything but a want of
respect or loyalty ! Would that Catholic princes
could appreciate it ! and understand that it is a
precious gift of God to have men who will
speak conscientiously to them ; men who are
ready to face their displeasure, and the more
active indignation of flatterers and servile
ministers, rather than betray the truth or utter
agreeable falsehoods. These insincerities may seem
to honour royalty ; but in reality they stealthily
undermine its foundations, and prepare its ruin. The
Church, which is the " pillar and ground of the
truth," has always held it unlawful to deceive
even those princes who seek to be deceived, and

Reply of Louis III. to Hincmar. 161

who punish men who will not deceive them. CHAP. iv.
This friendly loyalty of the Church tends to
strengthen the throne, by the support of piety
and justice. How has her faithful voice been
misinterpreted, misunderstood, calumniated by
those who are seemingly the zealous friends,
but really the deadly enemies of royalty ! They
know well enough that if a prince gives heed
to the severe admonitions of the Church, both
Church and State will prosper together ; yet they
persistently seek to persuade monarchs that the
Church would fain trench upon their rights, and
that the Apostolic liberty of Popes and Bishops is
only ambition and an audacious infringement upon
their royal dignity.

It was thus that the ministers of Louis III.
misrepresented the faithful and dignified answer
made to him by Hincmar. Instead of increas-
ing the young prince's reverence for and grati-
tude to the aged Prelate, it only irritated him.
He replied as follows : " If you will not consent
to the election of Odoacer, I shall esteem it a
proof that you refuse the respect due to me,1
that you will not uphold my rights, and that

1 In what was this respect to consist ? In a vile act, in the
betrayal of Christ's Church, and of the souls bought by Him with
His precious Blood !

M

1 62 Hincmars rejoinder.

CHAP. iv. you purpose in all things to resist my will.
With an equal, I should put forth all my
power to maintain rny dignity.1 On a subject
who insults me, I shall only bestow my con-
tempt. I shall go no further in this matter
until I have laid it before my royal brother
and cousins, to the end that a Council of all
the Bishops of our kingdoms,2 may be summoned.
It will decide what is conformable to our dignity.
And if it be needful, we shall do that which is
according to reason." If Hincmar had been
actuated by motives of ambition or self-interest,
such an answer, threatening him with the loss of
royal favour, would doubtless have induced him
to yield. But he who acts for conscience' sake
cannot yield. No prince can lead him to betray
his trust, inasmuch as his fidelity to his prince is
built upon his fidelity to God. It is not a self-
interested fidelity ; it is based solely on duty.
As to the reproach of failing in respect and obedi-

1 A dignity which consists in arrogant injustice !

2 The caprice of one man was to inconvenience all the Bishops
of a kingdom by assembling them in Council. And for what ? to
oblige them to make a law not according to justice, but according
to his own pleasure, which he styles his "dignity." It seems a
strange thing to seek to avenge one's self on the uprightness of a
provincial Council by corrupting a national Council ! But have
we not seen similar aims and similar results in our own times ?
Who has forgotten the National Council of Paris ?

Hincmars rejoinder. 163

ence to the King, Hincmar contented himself with CHAP. iv.
giving a solemn denial to the royal secretary. For
the rest, he answered thus : " With regard to what
you say you will do if necessary, I see plainly
that your object is to intimidate me. But you
have no power save that which is from on high.
May it please God by your means, or by any
other means, to release me from this prison — I
mean from this aged and infirm body — and to call
me to Him after Whom I long with my whole
heart. It will not be my desert — for truly I merit
nothing of good ; it will be His abundant mercy.
If I sinned by consenting to your election, against
the will and the threats of many, I pray God to
let me be chastised through you in this life, rather
than in the next. And since you are so anxious
concerning the election of Odoacer, let me know
when the Bishops of the Province of Eheims,
with those who were sent to you by the Council
of Fismes, can assemble. If I am still living,
I will cause myself to be carried thither. Send
Odoacer thither also, with those who elected him,
whether they be of the palace or of the Church
of Beauvais. Come also yourself, if you will, or
send your commissioners ; and let us see whether
Odoacer has entered the sheepfold by the door.
But let him know, that if he does not come, we

164 Death of Louis : Odoacer deposed.

CHAP. iv. will seek for him wheresoever he may be in the
province of Rheims. And he shall be judged by us
as the usurper of a Church, so that he shall never-
more exercise any ecclesiastical function in any
part of this province ; and all such as may have
shared in his crime will be excommunicate, until
such time as they make satisfaction to the Church."
But these noble words, well worthy of the pri-
mitive Bishops, did not influence the government.
Louis III. was persuaded by his time-serving
courtiers to use violence. Odoacer was thrust
upon the see by the force of arms. The ill-starred
Church of Beauvais had to endure the hireling.
But she never inscribed him on the roll of her
Pastors. And a year later, when Louis III. had
departed this life to render account of his deeds to
the Judge of all men,1 Odoacer was excommu-
nicated for this and other crimes, and deposed.

1 All who believe that Divine Providence rules over human
affairs, and that nothing happens save by His ordering, will ob-
serve the coincidence of this young sovereign's death with the
warnings of the Archbishop of Kheims on this occasion. Commenting
on the King's obstinacy in thrusting Odoacer into the see of Beau-
vais against the Canonical laws, he said, " If you persist in doing
wrong, God will set it right in His own good time. The Emperor
Louis did not live as long as his father Charles ; your grandfather
Charles did not live so long as his father, nor your father so long
as his father. And when you are at Compiegne in their stead, look
where they lie, and do not lift up yourself against Him Who died
for you, Who rose again, and lives evermore. You will soon depart
hence ; but the Church and her Pastors, under Jesus Christ their ,

Disastrous exclusion of the laity from elections. 165

LXXIX. This persevering attempt on the CHAP. iv.
part of the secular power to seize the right of
controlling episcopal elections, was in no small
degree aided by the division between the people
and the clergy, already alluded to. As the
people became more estranged from their Pastors,
and more corrupted, they grew more indifferent to
the character of those who were set over them.
On the other hand, the episcopal sees had
degenerated into posts of great worldly comfort
by reason of their abundant wealth and honours.
Hence they became the aim of the most covet-
ous, and the prey of the most intriguing. It was
thus natural that the injured people should be
sold and bought, divided into parties, roused to
tumults, as being tools of the unworthy flatterers,
to whom they looked for the toleration of their own
vices, rather than for the virtues which become a
Bishop. These disorders led to the exclusion of the
people from the elections. It first occurred in the
East, where the lay authorities had seized upon the
elections. The West followed. Thus the Canons
were deprived of their sanction, which came chiefly

Head, will endure, according to His promise." Fleury, who
is certainly not a credulous historian, after citing these words of
Hincmar, adds, " This threat of the Archbishop might be re-
garded as prophetical, when we observe that the young King Louis
died in the following year" (Lib. liii. § 32).

1 66 Restriction of elections to the Cathedral clergy.

CHAP. iv. through the people. And the clergy unconsciously
seconded the views of the secular power, if not
by deliberate counsel, by some unfailing instinct.
They were not content to retain for themselves the
right of election without taking account of the
multitude of the faithful. There soon arose among
them a supremacy of the few over the majority.1
These few appropriated to themselves the right of
electing their Bishops ; and being the canons
of Cathedrals, they succeeded in confirming this
assumed right, by the sanction of Church law.
Thus the elective body was weakened by the exclu-
sion from the Episcopal elections of the mass of
the people and of the clergy. It became power-

1 This occurred in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. We
see from a letter of the famous Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims,
that in his time (the ninth century) the country clergy, as well as
that of the towns, took part in the Episcopal elections. Writing to
Edenulf, Bishop of Laudun, to desire him to preside at the
election of the Bishop of Cambray, he expresses himself as follows :
" Quae electio non tantum a civitatis clericis erit agenda, verum et
de omnibus monasteriis ipsius Parochise, et de rusticanarum paro-
chiarum presbyteris occurrant vicarii commorantium secum con-
cordia vota ferentes. Sed et laici nobiles ac cives adesse debebunt :
quoniam ab omnibus debet eligi, cui debet ab omnibus obediri." The
fact of Hincmar's warning to Edenulf, is a proof that already there
was a tendency to change the ancient custom. At the end of the
twelfth century, Innocent III., in one of his decretals (de caus.
possess, et propriet., c. 3) ascribes the right of election, "ad Cathe-
dralium Ecdesiarum dericos." Finally, in 1215, the fourth Lateran
Council (can. 24-26) restricted that right wholly to the canons of
Cathedrals.

Policy of the Avignonese Popes. 167

less to maintain its rights against those who sought CHAP. iv.
to appropriate them.

LXXX. This state of things, when the French
Popes were resident at Avignon,1 led to the
Pontifical reserves, reversions of rents, and annates
as a natural consequence. These were at first
winked at by the princes, and eventually required
by them, because they tended to weaken still
further the sanction of the Church's right to elect
her pastors.2 For the sanction which pro-
tects a right must be strong in proportion to
the extent of that right ; and no one person,

1 Clement V., A.D. 1306, extended the Pontifical reserves to
Bishoprics. Benedict XII., who became Pope A.D. 1334, soon
made them universal. Towards the end of the fourteenth century
Boniface IX. extended annates to the Bishoprics, making them
perpetual. [Cf. Hallam, Middle Ages, ii. 14.— ED.]

2 This explains a fact, otherwise inexplicable. The Council of
Basle, supported by the lay power, annulled Pontifical reserves.
What was the hidden motive which induced these princes to side
with the Council of Basle ? Did they seek to abolish reserves ? No,
but by gaining the mastery over the Church, they sought to weaken
her. We find a proof of this in the line taken by the King of
France. Charles VII. received the decrees of the Council of
Basle with seeming exultation, and declared them to be laws of the
State at the assembly of Bourges, where he published the Pragmatic
Sanction. Why? Shortly after, this same king, and his successors,
Louis XI. and Charles VIII. requested the Pope to reserve certain
Bishoprics in order to bestow them according to their own desires.
They wished to maintain the reserves, but in an attenuated form,
and as bestowed by the Pope in accordance with their own wishes.
Thus the real aim of politicians was to " abrogate" reserves only
in the sense of weakening and then employing them to evade the
laws of the Church.

1 68 Deplorable effect of Concordats,

CHAP. iv. albeit invested with ever so high a dignity, can
possess power commensurate with the extension
of such a right as the election of all Bishops
throughout the world. Together with these
world-wide reserves, the Popes assumed a re-
sponsibility beyond their strength. They under-
took the exercise of a right so enormously vast,
that it was impossible for them to guard it with
any proportionate resources ; and a right thus un-
guarded is held precariously, if it is not lost. Hence
the lamentations of whole nations ; hence the
humiliation of -concordats, wherein the Mother
of the faithful was constrained by her discontented
children to condescend to make terms with them j

1 During fifteen centuries, amid all her many trials, the Church
was never brought so low as to be forced to make compacts with
the faithful ! The sins of the clergy incurred this humiliation.
" If the salt have lost his savour, wherewith shall it be salted ? it
is thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and to be trodden
under foot of men " (St. Matt. v. 13). It is useless to deny that con-
cordats are compacts — a Pope himself gives them this name ;
Julius III. says, " Nos attendentes concordata dicta vim PACTI
inter partes habere," etc. (Constit., 14 Sept., 1554, apud Eaynald).
No compact holds good when it begins to be sinful, nor should com-
pacts with the Church be so stringent as to hinder her power of
benefiting the Christian world — a power which, essentially free,
cannot be bound. In saying this, I do not so much condemn con-
cordats, as lament their necessity. Neither they nor any other
human convention whatsoever can take away the Divine and
immutable rights of the Church, or fetter the legislative power
given her by Jesus Christ, or in any way diminish the fulness of
her power for good — by means of which she can lay her injunctions
on the faithful without limit where she sees it needful for their

upon the elective rights of the Church. 169

hence, finally, a terrible Wound in the body of the CHAP. iv.
Church. When her ancient elective rights were
gone, when the clergy took no part in the elec-
tions, and the chapters were despoiled of their
privileges, and the Popes of their reserves, the
nomination of Bishops fell everywhere through-
out Catholic Christendom into lay hands, although
their confirmation, a matter of little consequence,
was retained by the ruler of the Church.
Thus was accomplished the work of the wolf
in sheep's clothing, " the Church was enslaved
under the outward garb of liberty." 1 But be-
fore I proceed to set forth the bitterness of this
piteous Wound, of this fiction of liberty which
is a real slavery, I have yet somewhat to say

eternal salvation, and for the enlargement of Christ's kingdom upon
earth. [It is difficult to follow our author here. If a compact is
sinful, it ought not to be made ; if any compact is made, and can be
kept without positive immorality, it ought to be kept. Surely he
does "condemn" some concordats. — ED.]

1 When Pope Adrian I. wrote to Charlemagne (A.D. 784), to
make him understand that the secular power had no right to take
part in Episcopal elections, and that they must be left free, he was
able to make use of an effectual and telling argument, namely, that
he himself (the Pope) did not meddle with the elections, because
they were better free. His words are, u Nunquam nos in qualibet
electione invenimus nee invenire habemus. Sed neque Vestram
Excellentiam optamus in talem rem incumbere. Sed qualis a clero
et plebe . . . electus canonice fuerit, et nihil sit quod sacro obsit
ordini, solita traditione ilium ordinamus " (Tom. ii. Cone. Gall., p.
95, 120). This telling argument could no longer be used by the
Popes, when the day of reserves had arrived.

1 70 Origin of the feudal system

CHAP. iv. about other reasons which brought Episcopal
elections to so pitiable a state. Something must
be said of the weary struggles of Popes and
Bishops, who did and bore much in the attempt
to keep the Church as truly free as she was by
the constitution of her Divine Founder.

LXXXI. When the northern chieftains fell
with their barbarian hordes upon the South and
conquered it, they styled themselves Kings of
France, of Italy, and of England,1 that is, of the
possessions of Frenchmen, Italians and English-
men, and thereby of their persons. But it was
impossible for any one possessor, however great
his strength, to keep a hold over such wide
districts, while the received law enacted that " the
power to protect a right must correspond with
the extent of the right itself." Hence these
chieftains, who were a new kind of kings, in-
vented the feudal system, as a means of retaining
a principal claim upon their new possessions,
while ceding the present use of them to others.
Their tenants became the faithful guardians of
lands, which they would otherwise have endea-
voured to wrest from the chiefs ; whose com-
panions in arms would never have submitted to
be excluded from a share in the new conquests.

1 [ThiS is, of course, too rhetorical to be history. — ED.]

and of ecclesiastical fiefs. 171

'hese men, who shared in the bounty of the king, CHAP. iv.

tnd had to a great measure the same interests, were
his faithful men (fedeli) ; whence was derived the
name of fiefs (feudi), because they vowed fidelity
to the king, and a vassalage of fixed services,
chiefly of raising men-at-arms, and of serving them-
selves in the king's army. It was a clever arrange-
ment. By this means conquerors were able to
maintain a right in the conquered lands, and
also to keep in subjection those to whom they
were ceded ; as, whenever a feudatory died, his
fief lapsed to the king, who conferred it upon any
one else, according to his pleasure.1

It was not long before these new masters of
Europe perceived that it was more to their advan-
tage to make over their lands in trust to Bishops
and' Churches, than to military dependants.
And thus, as early as in the time of Clovis, began
the system of ecclesiastical fiefs and baronies.
Charlemagne especially appreciated the value of
this plan. William of Malmesbury says, "Charle-
magne, seeking to subdue the ferocity of the
Germanic nations, gave nearly all the lands to the

1 It was not till near the end of the second dynasty that lay fiefs
became hereditary in France, as is shown by Marc. Anton. Dominicy
(De Praerogativis Allodiorum, c. 15, Strasbourg, 1697) ; but out of
respect to ecclesiastical feudatories, who had no succession, they
were always more or less personal.

172 Equivocal position of feudal Bishops.

CHAP. iv. Church, reflecting, with consummate wisdom, that
men in Holy Orders would less easily cast aside
their fidelity to the Emperor than would the laity ;
and that, moreover, if the laity rebelled, they
would be able to control such rebellion by the
terrors of the spiritual power, and the authority
of excommunication." *

Such liberality, shown by princes towards
Bishops, closely resembled bribes offered to judges
by parties to a suit. Moreover, the very nature
of these royal bounties involved the Church's
servitude. The Bishops became so many vas-
sals, constrained to take the oaths of fidelity
and to do feudal homage to the king.2 As his

1 De gestis regum Anglorum, lib. v. " Carolus Magnus pro con-
tundenda gentium illarum (Germanicarum) ferocia, omnes pene
terras Ecclesiis contulerat, consiliosissime perpendens, nolle Sacri
Ordinis homines tarn facile quam laicos fidelitatem domino rejicere.
Prseterea, si laici rebellarent, illos posse excommunicationis auctori-
tate et potentise severitate compescere."

2 Nor did it stop here. The oath that at first was exacted from
the Bishops as feudatories, was soon exacted from them as Bishops,
per extensionem, as the lawyers said, and by this clause they thought
to justify the usurpation. The Church was not inactive ; she
forbade such Bishops as held no temporal possessions at the king's
hands to take this oath. At the fourth Lateran Council, the solemn
decretal of Innocent III. on this point was published (Can. 43) :
"Nimis de jure divino quidam laici usurpare conantur, cum viros
ecclesiasticos, nihil temporale detinentes ab eis, ad prsestandum
sibi fidelitatis juramenta compellunt. Quia vero, secundum Apos-
tolum, servus suo domino stat aut cadit, sacri auctoritate Concilii
prohibemus, ne tales clerici personis ssecularibus praestare cogantur
hujus modi juramenta."

Can a " man of God" be a " Kings man " f 173

associates, sharing his earthly interests, and CHAP. iv.
joining in his enterprises and wars, it was im-
possible for them any longer to appreciate the
Apostle's rule, " No man that warreth, entangleth
himself with the affairs of this life." * They in-
evitably learnt to look upon the king solely as
their temporal lord, and themselves as his servants,
sharing his wealth and his power as a matter of
favour. They forgot that their king was but
a layman, a son of the Church, a sheep of their
fold ; and that they were Bishops chosen by the
Holy Spirit to govern the Church of God. In a
word, it was impossible that, having become King's
men,2 they could have ever before them that they
were men of God ; forasmuch as " no man can
serve two masters." 3

LXX.XII. The use of earthly advantages for
earthly ends rarely fails to blind men. All the
Church's power, all her liberties, belong to the
spiritual and invisible world. Who can wonder,
if, when power of an outward and imposing

1 2 Tim. ii. 4.

2 He who held an investiture from the king was called " homo
regis." There could be no expression which more fully describes
the king's absolute lordship over such a man, who became, so to
say, a royal possession. Who could imagine St. Peter, St. Paul,
St. Chrysostom, or St. Augustine converted from "homo Dei," into
" homo regis " ! And in those days the word " homo " had become
a synonym for soldier ; cf. Du-cange ; Glos. med. et infim. latinit.
Voc. Miles. 3 St. Matt. vi. 24.

1 74 The essence of the Episcopal office

CHAP. iv. character and worldly and civil duties were added
to the spiritual office of the Episcopate, the
Bishops — who, after all, were but men — should,
like their princes, be dazzled and absorbed
by such accessories, and speedily learn to seek
in them the essence of their Episcopal dignity ?
Who can wonder that this secular rank which
royalty had bestowed, was mingled and confused
in men's minds with the spiritual power con-
ferred by Christ, until the invisible gift, through
its confusion with the earthly, vanished by de-
grees quite out of sight ? Hence the benefice
annexed to the office was called a bishopric? for it
was no longer thought possible to separate the
Episcopal office from the temporal benefice, or that
the spiritual power could exist without it. The
ordinary forms of speech in that period, shaped
by public opinion, confirm this. They confuse
everything together. Instead of saying that the
king bestowed the temporal possessions annexed
to an Episcopal see, they speak of the king as
" giving, conferring a Bishopric, or the Episcopal
dignity," as "commanding, ordaining that such
a one shall be a Bishop ; " or they say that " by the
royal command so-and-so has been consecrated." 2

1 \Ital. episcopate. — ED.]

2 Fulbert of Chartres, ep. 8 [ed. Migne. 35], writes of Frank,

forgotten amidst its temporal accessories. 175

Once more, these expressions did not convey, CHAP, iv
at the time when they were coined, all their real
meaning ; they foreshadowed what would come to
be in the future. It is always thus ; expressions are
originated, worthless at first, mere concessions of
truth to passion, mere falsehoods. But deeds soon
follow words : there is a law which leads men to
speak the truth, and which also leads them to treat
words as real which may have been idly spoken.
The forms of speech current in a nation show to
those who look below the surface of human affairs,
the path which it is treading, and its tendencies in
the future. This identification in common speech
of the Episcopal dignity with its temporal endow-
ments, and this habit of attributing to the lay power

King Robert's Chancellor, that he was made Bishop, "eligente clero,
suffragante populo, dono regis. " As I said above, these words were
commonly used, and no one heeded their incorrectness. Among the
formulas of Marculfus, that which contains the King's order
says, addressing the Bishop designate : " Pontificalem, in Dei
nomine commisimus dignitatem;" which form of speech demands
some explanation even from a zealous advocate of the royal privilege,
who adds as follows : " Quod saniori sensu et magis canonico in-
telligi non potest quam de regiorum jurium et feudorum investitura
et concessione quae Clodoveus ex ecclesiis manu liberali contulerat "
(Hist. Eccl. ssec. xiii., xiv., Dissert, viii. art. 3). St. Gregory of
Tours says of Cantinus, Bishop of Clermont (Lib. iv. c. 7) : " Tune
jussu regis traditis ei dericis et omnibus quse hi de rebus ecclesise
exhibuerant." And Clothaire II. , in the edict by which he modifies
the canon of the fifth Council of Paris, " ut si persona condigna
fuerit, per ordinationem principis ordinetur" We meet with such
expressions continually in the writings of that period.

176 Royal usurpations disguised by courtesies.

CHAP. iv. the distribution of Episcopal offices as of any other
gifts which are naturally dependent on the will of
the donor, showed but too plainly the subserviency
and corruption of the clergy. They had already be-
come the vassals of secular princes, preferring the
good things of the world to the freedom of Christ
The popular language also showed the tendency o^
princes to grasp everything, to conquer the Church
as they had conquered the soil. This tendency
might for a time be restrained from its natura
development by the personal piety of individuals
but in the long run it would infallibly follow the
law of its natural gravitation, and bear the fruit o
which it sowed the seed. Thus we see that a1
first, with the exception of some arbitrary acts
concerning elections, the kings recognized th<
Church's right to choose her own Pastors. Even
when they disposed arbitrarily of Episcopal sees
they accompanied acts of injustice with Ian
guage which softened them and which breathec
a pious spirit. They were unwilling abruptly
to offend the feelings of Bishops and people, wh<
were still strict and tenacious with regard to truth
and Canon law, and had not yet become yielding
and courtier-like.1 Charlemagne's piety and recti

1 The formulas preserved by Marculfus show how the Prceceptum
de E'piscopatu of the Frank kings was attempered : " Cognovimu

Revenues of vacant benefices seized. 177

tude, as well as his policy, went still further, and CHAP. iv.
restored to the Church some part of that liberty
of which the Merovingian kings had robbed her.
Louis the Pious followed the example of his mag-
nanimous father.1 But not so the kings their
successors.

LXXXIII. It was but natural that at the
death of any Bishop, his fief should return to the
king, and that the king should enjoy the revenues
of the vacant see, which were called " regalia."
This was of the very essence of the feudal system.
But matters did not stop here. A covetous de-
sire to appropriate this income led rnonarchs to

Antistitem ilium ab hac luce migrasse, ob cujus successorum sollici-
tudinem congruam una cum Pontificibus (vel proceribus nostris
plenius tractantes, decrevimus illustri viro illi Pontificalem in ipso
urbe committere dignitatem."

1 Pope Adrian I. had admonished Charlemagne that it was his
duty to leave Episcopal elections unfettered ; and that great man
received this admonition from the Head of the Church with that
docility which is a far greater proof of a noble mind in princes, than
is their resistance and disobedience. Charlemagne even set forth
and sanctioned this liberty in the decree we find in his Capitu-
laries of Aix-la-Chapelle, A.D. 803 (c. 2) : " Not being unaware of the
sacred Canons, we have given our assent to the ecclesiastical order
(so that Holy Church may securely possess her due honour), that
Bishops be elected by their own dioceses, by election of the clergy
and people, according to the rules of the Canons, without any
acceptance of persons or bribes, according to their personal merit
and wisdom, so that they may always benefit those under them by
their example and their teaching." In A.D. 806, Louis the Pious
confirmed this law of Charlemagne in the Capitulary published after
the Synod of Aix-la-Chapelle.

N

i 78 Royal permission for episcopal elections.

CHAP. iv. keep dioceses without Pastors for a length of
time.1 They delayed the elections by insisting that
no Bishop could be elected without the royal
permission.2 Thus they made the Gospel and the

1 This usurpation reached the culminating point in the eleventh
century. Not to multiply instances, it will suffice to notice what
happened to two Archbishops of Canterbury, Lanfranc and St.
Anselm^ under two English kings, William I. and William II. When
Laiifranc demanded of William I. the property which his predeces-
sors had held, the King answered fiercely, ' ' Se velle omnes baculos
pastorales Angliae in manu suatenere." The historian who narrates
this (Gervasius Dorobernensis, in Imaginationibus de discordiis
inter monachos Dorobernenses et Baldeuinum Archiepisc. ; see
Historiae Anglicanav Scriptores Antiqui, p. 1329), says that the
Prelate was amazed on hearing this, and remained silent out of
prudence, fearing lest the King should do still greater injury to the
Church. And the history of St. Anselm, Lanfranc's successor, still
further shows the state to which the Church was reduced at that
time. Eadmer relates (Lib. i. Hist. Novor.) that William II., having
left Churches and Abbacies without Pastors in order to appropriate
their revenues, Anselm thought it his duty as Primate to remon-
strate with the King, setting forth all the evils which arose from
the lack of Prelates, and humbly intreating the King to cease from
thus injuring his own soul. The historian goes on to say that on
hearing this remonstrance of the holy Archbishop, " non potuit
amplius spiritum suum Rex cohibere, sed oppido turbatus cum
iracundia dixit : ' Quid ad te ? numquid Abbatise non sunt mese ?
Hem, tu quod vis agis de villis tuis, et ego non agam quod volo de
Abbatiis meis ? ' " To which the holy Prelate could do no less than
answer respectfully, that the possessions of the Church were his
only that he might protect and defend them, for that they were
God's, and intended for the maintenance of God's ministers. To
which the King wrathfully replied, " Pro certo noveris, mihi valde
contraria esse quae dicis. Non enim antecessor tuus auderet ulla-
tenus patri meo dicere : et nihil faciam pro te." To such straits
had the Church's freedom and possessions come in those days !
such was the predominance and assumption of the lay power !

2 The Church ever testified her reluctance to submit to such

Priests to be ordained by Royal permission. 1 79

salvation of souls dependent on the king's will, CHAP, iv,
his caprice, and above all, his covetousness. And
inasmuch as even presbyters had a share in the
Church's revenues, it was ordered that from hence-
forth the Church of God should be powerless to

dependence, and history is full of the struggle between the Church,
seeking freedom of action, and the secular power, seeking to subject
her to itself. Hence disputes were perpetually arising about elec-
tions which had been made without first obtaining the royal assent.
Richard I., in a letter to the Bishop of London about the year 1190,
complains loudly of an election as to which he had not been con-
sulted : " Quod si ita est, regiam majestatem nostram non modicum
esse offensam." He declares, " Non enim aliquii ratione sustinere-
mus quod a prsefatis monachis vel ab aliis quidquam cum detrimento
honoris nostri in electione Episcopi fieret ; et si forte factum esset
quin in irritum revocaretur. " In Richard's time the secular power
had made great progress in its invasion of the Church's rights, and
oppression of the Church's freedom ; while the power of resistance
on her part grew feebler, so that she would have succumbed, had
not God, taking care for her preservation, raised up Popes of extra-
ordinary courage and devotion, who once more set her free. What
would the Church in her brighter days have thought of monarchs
who claimed the right of controlling her choice of her own Pastors,
and required that their consent should be sought before any elec-
tion could be made ? What would the Chrysostoms and the
Augustines have said, could they have beheld a son of the Church
striving to fetter his Mother's hands, leaving her only such liberty
as a slave might receive at a master's pleasure ? With what noble
and holy wrath would they have answered such pretensions, main-
taining the sacred rights of the Spouse of Christ ? Even in the
tenth century, and in the East, the Church bore witness that she
felt all the degradation to which she was brought by such oppres-
sion. Cedrenus relates that Phocas Nicephorus had forbidden
Episcopal elections to be made without his consent, and many as
were the crimes of that Emperor, the historian ranks this prohibi-
tion among the .foremost of them : " Id omnium gravissimum, quod
legem tulit, cui et episcopi quidam leves atque adulator es " (here lay
the root of the evil), " subscripserunt, ne absque imperatoris sententia

1 8o All Church property treated as fiefs.

CHAP. iv. ordain one of her humblest priests, save by roya
concession and favour ! *

LXXXIV. Again. The men of the law, who
are to royal Courts what sophistical demagogues
are to a corrupt populace, discovered the following
singular argument : —

" The principal involves that which is ac-
cessory ; but among the Church's possessions her

ac permissu Episcopus vel eligeretur vel ordinaretur. " When
Phocas' successor, John Zymisca, came to the throne, the then
Patriarch of Constantinople, Polieuctes, refused to admit him or hi
followers into the Church, or to assist at his coronation, until h
had made atonement for his crimes, and until he had abrogated th
law of the last Emperor, which was fatal to the Church's freedom
The new monarch obeyed, and the law was torn up in the presenc
of all the people (Cedren. ad. ann. 969, p. 255).

1 Among the formulas of Marculfus (19) we find one entitle
" Praeceptum de clericatu," which is the required licence give
by the king to all candidates for the priesthood. It is called
" prseceptum," inasmuch as flattery assumed that whatever came
from the royal lips was such. Would that princes could banish all
this false courtier phraseology, and rest their power solely on the
truth ! How much stronger and more venerable their thrones
would be ! Yet the world mocks at such a proposal ! The Bishops
nevertheless continued to ordain priests regardless of this royal
mandate. Among Gerbertus' Epistles we find one from an Arch-
bishop of Rheims (Ep. 57), in which he speaks of himself as
" accused of crime against the king's majesty by reason of
having conferred ecclesiastical orders without his permission or
license." The French kings even sought to contest the liberty
of the faithful to quit the world, and devote themselves to God
in the religious life. Hincmar, in a letter to Charles the Bald,
tells that monarch emphatically that the Church has never acknow-
ledged any such law. This letter is published by P. Cellotti with
the Council of Douzi.

Kings appropriate proceeds of vacant sees. 1 8 1

fiefs are the principal ; hence all Church pro- CHAP, iv
perty must assume the character of fiefs, and be
subject to the same legislation." *

By means of this singular argument all the
Church's possessions had the honour of being con-
sidered " noble tilings " ; 2 possessions of the first
rank, and thus, in a manner, royal.3 Hence the
king assumed feudal rights, not only over fiefs
which were really his, but over all ecclesiastical
property indifferently. From all he exacted his
regalia, that is, the proceeds of vacant benefices,4
which were destined to fall into his hands at the
death of those who held them ; and generally he
disposed of them at his pleasure, as his personal
property.5 Thus the character of fiefs was ascribed

1 See Natalis Alexander. In ssec. xiii. et xiv. , dissert, viii. art. 1.

2 [Ital. ehti nobili.— ED.]

3 These, they said, enjoyed a more powerful protection and
defence ; but is not the civil power bound to protect all property
alike ?

4 The word benefice, which is universally retained in the Church,
is derived from the early military benefices, and later, ecclesiastical
benefices, assigned to their lieges by the mediaeval monarchs. The
very name reminds us how the clergy sold their liberty to those
monarchs. They exchanged it for wealth.

5 The Church was not silent, she sought to defend herself
against such usurpations. But she could only set her Canons
against military force. Already, in the year 451, the great
(Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon had framed this Canon (25) :
" Redditus vero viduatse Ecclesise integros reservari apud oaco-
nomum ejusdem Ecclesise placuit."

The Council of Riez, A.D. 493, Can. 6, decrees, " Stabili de-

1 82 Tithes feudalized, and held by laymen.

CHAP. iv. to the free possessions of the Church ; thus the
tithes were infeoffed ; * and, advancing step by

finitione consultum est, lit de csetero observaretur, ne quis ad
earn Ecclesiam, quae Episcopum perdidisset, nisi vicinae Eeclesise
Episcopus exequiarum tempore accederet, qui visitatoris vice tamen
ipsius curam districtissime gereret, ne quid ante ordinationem dis-
cordantium in novitatibus clericorum subversioni liceret. Itaque
cum tale aliquid accidit, vicinis vicinarum Ecclesiarum inspectio,
recensio, descriptioque mandatur. "

In the Spanish Councils of Valentia and Ilerda, A.D. 524, 525,
the discipline of the Council of Chalcedon is confirmed.

In the second Council of Orleans, A.D. 533 (c. 6), it is decreed,
that in the event of the death of a Bishop, the neighbouring Prelate
shall come to his burial, and, assembling his priests, shall make
an exact inventory of the Church's properties, entrusting them to
faithful and safe persons.

The fifth Council of Paris, A.D. 614 (c. 7), ordains that no one
shall meddle with the property of any defunct Bishop or priest,
and that no " royal precept" shall have any claim upon it, under
pain of excommunication. It rules that " ab Archidiacono vel
clero in omnibus defensentur et conserventur."

Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, wrote thus to his Bishops,
in the ninth century (Ep. 9) : " Et sicut Episcopus et suas et
ecclesiasticas facultates sub debita discretione in vita sua dispensandi
habet potestatem, ita facultates Ecclesiae viduatae post mortem
Episcopi penes ceconomum integrse conservari jubentur futuro
successori ejus Episcopo ; quoniam res et facultates ecclesiastic*
non imperatorum atque regum potestate stint ad dispensandum vel
invadendum, sive diripiendum, sed ad defensandum atque tuen-
dum." Hincmar wrote in the same strain to King Charles the
Bald (Ep. xxix., and in various other letters, xxi. xlv.).

Another Archbishop of Rheims, Gerbert, afterwards Pope
Sylvester II., sets forth the same doctrine in 'his letter to his
clergy and people (Ep. cxviii. ).

These laws being so taught and reasserted by the Church, the
princes of the ninth century could not seize upon the Church's
rights without incurring public disapproval : thus the ' ' Bertiniani
Annales," A.D. 882, speak of the crime committed by Charles the
Fat, who made over the possessions of the Church of Metz to

Laymen and soldiers, in Abbacies and Sees. 183

step, tithes, or other free property, were in this CHAP. iv.
way granted in fief to laymen ; as was often
done with respect to (real fiefs upon the death of
the Bishops or Abbots who held them.2 And
inasmuch as the spiritualities were considered in-
separable from the temporalities, the spectacle was
witnessed of laymen, nay, of soldiers, reigning in
abbacies over monks instead >of their rightful
Abbots, and in sees as Bishops over their clergy.3

Hugo, son of Lothaire the younger : " Quos sacri Canones future
episcopo reservari prsecipiunt."

1 It is well known that the tithes were usurped by the laity,
and conferred and given in fief by princes, as well as by Bishops and
Rectors. This appears from the canon law. See Estravag. de
Decim., c. 26, and Estravag. de iis quse fiunt a Prselat. sine con-
sensu, c. 17.

2 For examples, see Nat. Alexan., soac., xiii. and xiv. Dissert,
viii. art. iii.

3 The Council of Meaux, A.D. 845, did not fail to address
Charles the Bald with Apostolic freedom, because he was guilty of
this despotism, granting the Church's lands to laymen, " so that,
contrary to all rule, contrary to the decrees of the Fathers, and to
that which is becoming for the Christian religion, we find laymen
presiding in monasteries as lords and masters among the priests
and Levites and other religious, regulating their life and con-
versation, sitting in judgment upon them, as though they themselves
were Abbots ; granting dispensations and formally providing for the
charge of souls and of the sacred tabernacles, not only without the
Bishop's presence, but without knowledge on his part of what was
being done " (Can. 10 and 42). Therefore these Fathers, addressing
Charles the Bald, decreed, " ut praecepta illicita jure beneficiario de
rebus ' ecclesiasticis f acta a vobis, sine dilatione rescindantur, et ut
de csetero ne fiant, a dignitate Yestri nominis regii caveatur"
(Can. 18). Setting before him the enormity of thus rending the
seamless garment of Christ, which was not done even by the soldiers

184 Kings assume spiritual authority.

CHAP. iv. LXXXY. This identification of the tem-
poralities with the spiritualities led necessarily
to the usurpation of things spiritual as well as
temporal. And thus we find princes granting
investitures with the emblems of spiritual autho-
rity, the ring and pastoral staff. Hence it came
to pass that Bishoprics remained vacant while
the sovereign seized upon their revenues.1 The

who crucified Him, they proceed : " Ante oculos reducentes tunicam
Christi, Qui vos elegit et exaltavit, quam nee milites ausi fuerunt
scindere, tempore vestro quantocitius reconsuite et resarcite : et
nee violenta ablatione, nee illicitorum prseceptorum confirmatione
res ab Ecclesiis vobis ad tuendum et defensandum ac propagandum
commissis auferre tentate ; sed ut sanctse memorise avus et pater
vester eas gubernandas vobis, fautore Deo, dimiserunt, redinte-
grate, prsecepta regalia earundem Ecclesiarum conservate et
confirmate " (Can. 2). It is to be observed that this Council dis-
tinguishes between lands given to the Church as freeholds, and
those given in fief ; the King is rebuked chiefly for giving the
former to laymen.

1 In the Appendix to Flodoardus we find a "Notitia de Villa
Novilliaco " thus expressed : u Defuncto Tispino Archiepiscopo,
tenuit Dominus Rex Carolus Remense Episcopium in suo dominatu,
et dedidit villam Novilliacum in beneficio Anschero Saxoni," etc. ;
that is, to a soldier, where we see the confusion of the temporal
benefice with the Bishopric. And since there is nothing which
covetousness and power united will not attempt, the princes, when
urged not to leave dioceses vacant, bethought them of sending com-
missaries called Chorepiscopi, instead of Bishops, retaining the
revenues of the see meanwhile. These false pastors grievously
afflicted the Church ; and thus we find numerous complaints and
decrees against Chorepiscopi in the Councils of the eleventh century,
until these anomalous officers, after damaging the Church for a long
time, were done away with. Flodoardus (Lib. iii. Hist. Remensis,
c. 10), writing of an epistle from Hincmar to Pope Leo IV. says, "In
hac vero epistola, de his quos temeritas chorepiscopalis ordinare, vel

Resulting evils which afflicted the Church. 185

kings generally interfered with elections.1 There CHAP, iv
was an unlawful trade in Episcopal sees. They
were sold to the highest bidder. The high places
of the Church were filled by unworthy men,
possessing no other merit than that of their un-
worthiness ; they were devoted to their prince,
and truckled to his vices. Degradation and cor-
ruption abounded both among clergy and people,
and a long train of evils was heaped upon the
hapless Church, in consequence of this wretched
state of things. And, although moriarchs
were blind to the fact, these evils reacted upon
the State, disturbing and dividing it, and retard-
ing that progress of civilization towards which,
if the secular power be righteous, nature and
Christ's religion, happily associated, of themselves
guide the nations in their onward course.

LXXXVI. Under such oppression, the clergy
grew daily more oblivious of their true dignity
and freedom ; willingly accepting an increase of

quod Spiritum Sanctum consignando tradere praesumebat, requisivit.
Et quod terrena potestas hac materia ssepe offenderet, ut videlicet,
Episcopo quolibet defuncto, per Chorepiscopum solis Pontificibus
debitum ministerium perageretur, et res ac facultates Ecclesise
saecularium usibus expenderentur, sicut et in nostra Ecclesia jam
secundo actum est," etc.

1 For a statement of the steps by which princes usurped
elections, beginning with intreaties and recommendations, and end-
ing with commands and violence, see Tommassinus, Vet. et Nov.
Eccl. Discipl., P. I. lib. i. c. 54.

1 86 Moral deterioration of the clergy.

CHAP. iv. wealth and temporal power in the place of those
treasures, of which they no longer knew the value.1

1 The abject words of Bishop Arturicus, quoted by Elmoldus (in
Cronico Sclavorum, lib. i. c. 69 and 70) suffice to show how God's
ministers had deteriorated under their increased temporal advan-
tages. " The investiture of Pontiffs" says that Prelate, " is solely
the right of the imperial dignity, which alone is excellent, and after
God most sublime among the sons of men." (A Bishop thus to speak
of the Emperor, forgetful that whatever his rank in the Church
as a temporal sovereign, he is but her son and a layman !) " This
honour was acquired at a great price."" (It is not a question o:
honour ; the power of appointing to Bishoprics is a most importanl
office, a sacred and inalienable right of the Church. Can she sell
that right ? Can princes buy it with earthly riches ? What else
was the sin of Simon Magus?) " Nor was it in mere wantonness
that our most worthy Emperors styled themselves LORDS OF THE
BISHOPS." (A Bishop praising such language !) " But theycompen
fated this inroad " (It was an inroad then ?) " with abundant wealth '
(Can the Church's freedom be compensated with money ? Can sh<
cast aside the only true wealth of the Spouse of Christ in order to
assume that bestowed by secular princes?) "whereby the Church
was more plentifully adorned." (With virtues, or with an empty
exterior magnificence ?) " Nor does she now hold herself to b
lowered by such subjection ; nor does she blush to bow down, in
order that she may rule over many." (A singular opinion, truly
worthy of a successor of the Apostles ! But the Church does no
seek to rule, rather to save men ; the first is done through tern
poral power, the latter by the grace of God's Word and the Holy
Spirit. If the Church became the slave of any one man, thoug]
through him she reigned over all the world, she would be repudiate(
by Christ.) The whole tenour of this Bishop's language is so extra
ordinary that I must quote some of the original words, lest it be
thought I have misrepresented him : " Investitures Pontificum im
peratoriae tantum dignitati permissae sunt, quaa sola excellens, e
post Deum in filiis hominum praeeminens, hunc honorem non sine
fsenore multiplici conquistavit. Neque Imperatores dignissim
levitate usi sunt, ut Episcoporum domini vocarentur, sed compensa
verunt noxam hanc amplissimis regni divitiis, quibus Ecclesia
copiosius aucta, decentius honestata, jam non vile reputet at

Florus on Episcopal elections. 187

Not that from amidst these depths of humiliation CHAP. iv.
the solemn voice of truth ever failed in the Church.
That voice can never be silenced ; if the undying
Church could cease to raise it, she would cease to
be herself. But it was a plaintive solitary voice,
rising up like the cry of a land of mourning.

It may suffice to quote a passage from Florus,
a deacon of Lyons, who, in this tenth century,
when the freedom of Episcopal elections was
well-nigh lost, wrote a book on the subject, " in
order to set forth what were the sacred laws
of the Church, and to confute the opinion which
was little by little asserting itself at Court, that
the king's assent was necessary to the lawfulness
and ratification of an Episcopal election." He
begins by setting forth clearly the true doctrine
on this matter : " It is plain to all who hold the
priestly office in God's Church, that they are bound
to obey all that is commanded by the authority
of the sacred Canons, and by ecclesiastical custom,
according to the disposition of the Divine Laws, and
Apostolic tradition, with respect to the Ordination
of Bishops. Accordingly, when a Pastor dies,
and his see is vacant, the post of the departed

modicum cessisse subjection! ; non erubescat uni inclinare per quern
possit in multos dominari." Who would believe that after citing
this passage Natalis Alexander should have added " prceclare
dictum ! "

1 88 Florus appeals to Antiquity.

CHAP. iv. Prelate should be rightly filled by one of his
clergy, elected by the general and unanimous con-
sent of that clergy and people, solemnly and openly
designated by public decree, and consecrated by
the legitimate number of Bishops. There is no
doubt that an appointment so made by the Church
of God, is confirmed by justice and the Divine
Law. These things have been established by
the Councils of the Fathers, by the decrees of
the Apostolic See, and by the Church of Chris
from the beginning." In proof he quotes froi
St. Cyprian's epistle to Antoninus, concerning th<
election of St. Cornelius : "A man should be
made Bishop by the judgment of God and of His
Christ, by the witness of all the clergy, by the
votes of the people, and by the consent of the
venerable priests, and of good men " (bonorum
virorum).

He then proceeds, " It appears from these
words of the Blessed Cyprian, that from Apostolic
times, and for something like three hundred years,1
all Bishops of the Church of God were appointed
by the Christian people, and lawfully governed
them, without any interference of earthly power.
When princes began to be Christian, we have one

1 \Ital. anni quasi quattrocento. But if so, Floras made a
mistake. — ED.]

Florus appeals to Antiquity. 189

plain proof that, speaking generally, the Church CHAP. iv.
maintained her freedom in the appointment of her
Bishops. It was not possible that an emperor,
ruling all the world, could know and select all
the Bishops who must needs be appointed in
the widely spread countries of Asia, Europe and
Africa. Nevertheless those appointments made
by the Holy Church after the Apostolic tradition,
and with due religious observances, were always
validly completed. If in some countries a custom
of consulting the sovereign concerning Episcopal
appointments crept in, it was only out of brotherly
love, and in order to preserve peace and harmony
with the powers that be ; not in any way to make
the holy ordination more valid or authoritative ;
since that ordination cannot be conferred on any
one by royal power, but only by God's will, and
with the consent of the faithful. And this for-
asmuch as the Episcopate is no human office, but a
gift of the Holy Spirit .... Whence it comes that
any prince who believes himself able to confer as
his benefice that which Divine Grace alone dis-
penses, sins grievously : in such concerns his
power may follow in confirmation, but it may not
take the lead." 1

1"Cum ministerium suae potestatis in hujus modi negotium
peragendo adjungere debeat, non praeferre." This is the true idea

190 Miseries of the tenth century.

CHAP. iv. LXXXVII. Nevertheless we must confess
that the continued perseverance with which the
lay power sought to reduce the Church to subjec-
tion, at one time by benefits conferred, at another
by underhand dealings, was at last successful. Th<
conquest was achieved. In the tenth centur
the Church herself seemed weary of struggling
and protesting in vain against usurpation. She
appeared to have lost voice and breath, to have be
come hoarse, so rarely and so feebly did she speak
This was the most ill-starred of centuries. W<
find the clergy oat of their rightful path, blinde(
by worldly wealth, and well-nigh accustomed t<
traffic with dignity and conscience. A furthei
and noteworthy cause of the enslavement of th<
Church was the power of Otho I., who humblec
the nobles, and strengthened his sovereign autho
rity^by making it more absolute. Thereby society
would have greatly benefited if the sovereign
power had not strayed into usurpations of the
Church's rights. But, with such precedents anc
vicious customs, every addition to the Imperia
power did but tend to promote its usurpations.

of the part princes should take on the Church's behalf ; not con
stituting themselves legislators, but lending their aid in order tha
all her laws and arrangements may be carried out strictly according
to her mind.

1 This did not occur at once. Otho I. was a religious prince, anc

The Church in England and France. 1 9 1

Thus in the beginning of the eleventh century the CHAP- IV
freedom of election was altogether extinct.

In England the Abbot Ingulfus, in the time
of William the Conqueror, writes thus : " For
many years past we have not had any really
free and Canonical election of Prelates ; but every
dignity, whether of Bishop or Abbot, has been
conferred with ring and stall by the royal Court,
according to its pleasure." L Respecting France
under Philip I., the Pope complains to Procleus,
Bishop of Chalons, thus : " Among the other

ranks third with Alfred the Great and Charlemagne. Several facts
are recorded of him which prove his respect for the Church and
her authority. One of his nobles having applied for the revenues
of a certain monastery in order to maintain troops, he answered
indignantly, that ' ' were he to give the Church's revenues to the
laity, he should fear to sin against Christ's precept, ' Give not that
which is holy to the dogs.' " He did much for the Roman Church,
confirming the free election of the Pope. Otho was not the man
to end by destroying ecclesiastical liberty, but it owed its extinction
to the increased power left by Otho as an inheritance to his suc-
cessors, who were not so upright as he was, or so generous and
large-hearted. It may even be added that one thing which for-
warded that total ruin of the liberty of the Church which took place
in the first half of the eleventh century was the very religious zeal
of pious princes, especially of the first and third Othos, and of the
saintly Emperor Henry. They meddled with the Church solely
with a view to her benefit, of which she was so fully conscious that
she offered no opposition ; but by this means their successors
obtained a power which they used to their own ends.

1 " A multis annis retroactis nulla electio Prselatorum erat mere
libera et canonica ; sed omnes dignitates tarn Episcoporum quam
Abbatum per annulum et baculum regis Curia pro sua complacentia
conferebat."

1 92 Anselm of Lucca to the Anti-pope.

CHAP. iv. princes who in our time .... have trampled upon
their Mother as though she were a bondslave,
we know on good authority that Philip of France
has so oppressed the Gallican Churches, as to have
reached the climax of this detestable crime. The
which thing grieves us the more, forasmuch as it
is known how prudent and religious and energetic
and faithful to the Roman Church that kingdom
has been heretofore." *

Of Germany, St. Anselm, Bishop of Lucca, a
contemporaneous writer, says, " Thy King " (he
addresses the Anti-pope G-uibert) " continually
sells Bishoprics, publishing edicts forbidding that
he should be Bishop who is elected of the clergy,
or required of the people, unless the royal will has
first chosen him ; as though the monarch were the
porter of that door of which the Truth hath said,
' To him the porter openeth.' You tear asunder
the limbs of the Catholic Church, which you have
invaded, throughout the kingdom, and which, after
reducing her to servitude, you retain in your

1 " Inter caeteros nostri hujus temporis principes, qui Ecclesiam
Dei perversa cupiditate venumdando dissipaverunt, et matrem suam
ancillari subjectione penitus conculcarunt, Philippum regem Fran-
corum Gallicanas Ecclesias in tantum oppressisse certa relatione
didicimus, lit ad summum tarn detestandi hujus facinoris cumulum
pervenisse videatur. Quam rem de regno illo tanto profecto tulimus
molestius, quanto et prudentia et religione et viribus nosoitur fuisse
potentius, et erga Romanam Ecclesiam multo devotius." — Gregory
VII., Ep. i. 35, ad Rodericum (Rodenum) Cabilonensem Episcopum.

Gregory VII. becomes Pope. 193

keeping as a miserable slave. You exchange the CHAP. iv
freedom of God's service for a degrading sub-
servience to the Emperor, when you say that
Bishoprics, Abbacies, all Churches, without excep-
tion, are subject to the imperial jurisdiction ;
whereas the Lord says, ' My Church, My Dove, My
Sheep ; ' and St. Paul, 4No man taketh this honour
unto himself, but he that is called of God, as was
Aaron.' " 1

LXXXYIII. But in these most unhappy times,
when the Church of God seemed hopelessly lost,
Christ did not forget His promise. He raised up
an extraordinary man, who, with an enormous
moral power, which was certainly not of this world,
braved all, dared all, and remained triumphant
over all. He avenged the Church, repaired her
losses, and, we may say, strengthened the king-
dom of God upon earth. No one will doubt
who was the messenger of God in the age re-

1 The flatterers of the Emperor used such boasting language, and
the Bishop of Lucca strove to refute them by an opportune, frank
and generous work, breathing that spirit of primitive times, which, as
I have said, was never wholly wanting in the Church. He introduces
the argument of the second book thus : " Opitulante Domini nostri
dementia, qui nos et sermones nostros Suo mirabili nutu regit atque
disponit, accingimur respondere his qui dicunt, regali potestati
Christi Ecclesiam subjacere, et ei pro suo libito, vel prece, vel
pretio, vel gratis, liceat Pastores imponere, ejusque possessiones vel
in sua vel in cujus libuerit jura transferee. " This answer of the
holy Bishop is full of learning and vigour.

194 The work appointed him to do.

CHAP. iv. ferred to ; it will be felt that we are describing
Gregory VII.

This most remarkable man was raised to St.
Peter's Chair, A.D. 1073. Complaints of Henry IV.'s
unbounded dissoluteness, his unparalleled tyranny
towards his Christian subjects, and the havoc
which he had wrought in the Church had already
been laid before Gregory's predecessor. But death
had prevented Alexander II. from doing anything
to heal the deep and deadly Wounds in the Body
of Christ.1 It was for the lonely monk Hilde-
brand that God in His Providence had reserved
the hard task of curing the ancient and cankered
sore by sharp steel. All gentler means of cure had
failed.2 Gregory at first declined the Pontificate.

1 The year before his death (A.D. 1073) that Pope had summoned
Henry to Rome to give satisfaction to the Church for the crimes of
which he was accused by the Saxons. Thus when Gregory VII.
was raised to the Apostolic See he found the case already begun by
his predecessor, who had bestowed all his energies in stemming
the overflowing tide of evil in the Church, and in repressing
simoniacal elections and restoring liberty. Otho of Frisinga says
of him, "Ecclesiam jamdiu ancillatam in pristinam reduxit liberta-
tem " (Lib. vi. c. 34).

2 The witness of contemporaries is rarely disinterested, and for
this reason I am careful to test their assertions, before quoting from
such a mass of confused accounts given by partisans. The follow-
ing is the story as told by Marianus Scotus (in Cronic. ad. an.
1075) : "He (the Emperor Henry) did not scruple to tarnish and
eclipse Christ's only and beloved Spouse, by means of concubines,
that is heretics ; treating the spiritual offices of the Church, which
are the free gifts of the Holy Spirit, as mere merchandise, accord-

Temper and resolution of Gregory VII. 195

Having accepted it for conscience sake as the will CHAP
of God, he saw clearly that in such sad times any
Pope who was resolved to do his duty must fall
a victim to it. Kindled with the spirit of self-
sacrifice, he soon showed the world that he shared
in that noble conception of the Episcopate which
had inspired the primitive Bishops. Writing to
his colleagues, he says, " Considering duly, that

ing to the sin of Simon, with vile bargains, contrary to the Catholic
Faith. For which cause, certain of the Church, beholding and
hearing these and other such misdeeds of the King Henry, were
filled with zeal for Israel's sake, even as was the prophet Elias ; and
making loud lamentations, as well as written complaints, they sent
messengers to Rome, who set before Alexander, Bishop of the
Apostolic See, those numberless things which were said and done
in the German empire by the mad simoniacal heretics, the King
Henry being the leader and patron of all. Meanwhile, the Apos-
tolical Lord Alexander departing this life, Gregory, also called
Hildebrand, a monk, undertook the government of the Apostolic
See. Gregory hearing the lamentations and just complaints of
Catholics against Henry, and the impunity of his misdeeds, was
kindled with zeal for God, and pronounced sentence of excom-
munication upon the King, chiefly on account of his simony." Con-
temporaneous writers agree in describing Henry as given to every
kind of disorder in his private life, as well as guilty of tyranny
over his subjects, and of profane insolence towards the Church. Yet
the writers of the last century have undertaken his defence ! While
the righteous, noble Gregory, who set aside his ease and his life in
order to restrain this brutal tyrant, to protect an oppressed people,
and to save Christendom from ruin, is treated as an ambitious man
who deserves the hatred and execrations of mankind ! But, thank
God, even Protestants can see in Gregory VII. the true champion,
not of the Church only, but of mankind, the author of modern
civilization. (See the German work called ' ' Hildebrand and his
Times.") Of a truth the times of Gregory will supply abundant
material for the reflections of future ages.

196 Henry IV. desires Gregory to abdicate.

CHAP. iv. by reason of the shortness of this life, and the
frivolous nature of earthly governments, no one
is more worthy of the title of Bishop than he
who suffers persecution for righteousness' sake,
we have determined rather to incur the enmity oi
wicked men by obeying the commandments of the
Lord, than to provoke the wrath of Heaven by
an unworthy compliance with their wishes " (Lib.
ix. ep. ii.).

LXXXIX. He tried, however, to prevail with
Henry by fatherly gentleness and patience. It
was all in vain. The Pope's nuncios, his letters,
his affectionate efforts were all alike despised and
mocked. Then he summoned his Cardinals and
Bishops in synod, and took counsel with them
He set before them the steps which he had taken
to recall the wanderer. He described the insults,
and the bolder wrong-doing with which Henry
had met his efforts. He noted the attempt which
Henry had made to create a schism in the Church
by means of certain corrupt Bishops his minions
in Lombardy and Germany. The imperial letters,
brought by ambassadors who attended the Synod,
were read. They were full of sacrilegious vitu-
peration. The ambassadors themselves were
allowed to speak. In full Council they addressed
the Pope as follows : " Our Lord the King desires

The Reply. 197

that thou quit the Apostolic See and the Papacy, CHAP. iv.
forasmuch as they are his, and that thou infest
no longer this sacred place." * All the circum-
stances were duly weighed ; the strange times, the
evil which seemed to be irremediable without a
drastic remedy. Then the fathers unanimously
counselled the Pope, that if ever severity was
expedient, it was expedient now. It was a last
resource ; the Church owed to herself as well as
to posterity, a solemn example of ecclesiastical
faithfulness. Moreover, they said, the Emperor
had not received his crown unconditionally. He
had sworn to observe terms and conditions. A
valid contract between himself and the Christian
people had been made, upon his election. Both
parties had incurred reciprocal obligations. The
people had taken their oath of fidelity con-

1 A contemporary records this fact as follows : " Cum igitur dis-
simulare amplius tanti faciiioris malitiam non posset, Apostolicus
excommunicavit tarn ipsum, qtiam omnes ejus fautores, atque
omnem sibi regiam dignitatem interdixit, et obligates sibi sacra-
mentis ab omni debito fidelitatis absolvit : quia quod verecundum
etiam est dicere, prseter haereticam quam praelibavimus culpam,
aderant in sancto concilio nuntii illius sic audentes latrare : ' Prse-
cipit Dominus noster Rex, ut Sedem Apostolicam et Papatum, ut
pote suum, dimittas, nee locum hunc sanctum ultra impedias.' . . .
Igitur quern sui solius judicio Dominus reservavit, hie non solum
judicare, verum etiam ( suum ' dicere, et quantum in ipso est, audet
damnare : quam ob causam omnis ilia sancta Synodus, jure indig-
nata, anathema illi conclamat atque confirmat." — S. Anselmi Lucen-
sis Pamitentiarius, in ejus Vita., c. iii. (Migne cxlviii. col. 913.).

198 Excommunication of Henry IV.

CHAP. iv. ditionally on Henry's observance of certain terms,
chiefly touching the liberty and maintenance of
religion. The Church was the mother and guar-
dian of all Christians; she had received the imperial
oath in her own name, and that of the people. In-
asmuch as the people could not set themselves free
from their oaths, they had a right to expect that
the Primate of the Church, as the interpreter and
judge of oaths, would provide for her well-being
and for their religion. Consequently, the Pope
was now bound, as well for the Church's sake as
for that of the faithful people, to pronounce sen
tence. He must declare the Emperor to have
broken his faith, and thereby to have set the
people free from their engagements to him. Sucl]
is the substance of the counsel unanimously giver
to Pope Gregory VII. by the Synod.1 Thereupon

1 Such a doctrine concerning the popular right was commor
among Christians at that time, and no one denied it. Kings wer
then really constitutional, although as yet that word was no
invented. The Council assumed this fact. Paulus Bernr. ir
his Life of Gregory VII., quotes the words used : " Tua, sanctis
sime Pater, censura, quern ad regendum nostri temporis saeculiur
Divina peperit dementia, contra blasphemum, invasorem, tyrannum
desertorem, talem sententiam proferat, quse hunc conterat, et futu
ris sceculis transgressionis cautelam conferat. . . . Tandem omnibui
acclamantibus definitum est,ut honore regio privaretur, et anathematii
vinculis tarn prsenominatus Rex, quam omnes assentanei sui colh
garentur. Accepta itaque fiducia, Dominus Papa, ex totius Synoc
consensu, etjudicio, protulit anathema " (S. Greg. VII. Vita, aucton
Paulo Benriedensi, §§ 62, 63).

Its effects. 199

Gregory, constrained by his conscience, excom- CHAP. iv.
municated Henry IV., and declared his subjects to
be loosed from their oaths of fidelity, A.D. 1076.

XC. This great event, as I have already said,
marks an epoch ; it was a period of renovation in the
Church. It was the sign for a fierce battle. After
many years of oppression beneath an ignominious
yoke, the Church now raised herself anew. A
violent struggle between the oppressed and the
oppressor was inevitable. Nor did she triumph
until three centuries of strife had passed. Scarcely
had she forcibly cast aside her subjection to the
secular power, when she was torn asunder by the
great Western schism. This was hardly extinct,
when the heresies of the North began to distract
her; nor did she begin to find rest until the
Council of Trent.1 Meanwhile, the two great
objects which Gregory had in view, were per-
manently established ; to wit, the freedom of the
ecclesiastical power, and the good conduct of the
clergy. The first bore immediate fruit. It enabled
the Church to triumph over her enemies, and it was
the true motive power of the Council of Trent.
From the date of that Council the second began
to yield results in the reformation of ecclesiastical
discipline and morals.

1 [Did she then ? or afterwards ? — ED.]

2OO Results of Gregory s work in after ages.

CHAP iv. XCI. This threefold and terrible struggle,
with the civil power, with schism and with heresy,
was inevitable. The two latter were born of the
former, and outlived their mother. When Gre-
gory VII. came to the throne, the seeds of these
evils were quickening. The remedy was effective
and at hand. But it could not be applied in time
to prevent the outbreak of evils which were
already imminent. If it could not prevent them,
at least it successfully subdued them. The Church
which Gregory came to rule might be compared to
the dawn of a winter day, when nature is still dark
and frozen. But the sun will presently be in the
sky, and his warm rays will melt the frost, and will
kindle new life where all was numbed and sterile.

XCII. We must, however, dwell yet a while
upon this resolution of the Roman Council and
of Gregory to dissolve the oath of fealty which his
subjects had taken to the Emperor Henry. It has
given rise to much idle "talk and calumny directed
against the Apostolic See.

Divine Providence had endowed the Church
with wealth and temporal power. This began
with the conversion of the Roman emperors. But
it dated chiefly from the invasion of the barbarians
who destroyed the empire, and founded the modern
kingdoms. The object was to hallow society as

Christianity creates constitutional government. 201

well as the individual, and to make the influence of CHAP. iv.
the Gospel felt in the laws and government of the
world at large. If at first this good influence was
visible in the increase of justice and equity in all
branches of public administration, it was also found
at a later period to have no less affected the very
essence of the supreme power. The nature of this
power was changed. But this change had been
so gradual, that it was accomplished before men
discovered the silent work of the Gospel, nor
was it easy to trace the steps by which Christ's
religion had produced an effect of such import-
ance. Heathen, or natural sovereignty, had
been absolute ; Christianity made it constitutional.
Let no one take offence at this word : I fully
grant that in modern times it has been profaned.
But if I may be allowed to set forth what I mean,
before judgment is passed, it will be seen that
I am far from entering on the perilous questions of
these days, in which men seek after what is
good without clearly recognizing it. A cele-
brated author and statesman, who cannot be
suspected of favouring popular insubordination,
writes thus : " The Popes have educated mon-
archy as we find it in modern Europe ; " and "the
nature of this monarchy, and that which raises it
so far above the governments of earlier times, is

2O2 Constitutionalism, how created by the Gospel.

CHAP. iv. that fundamental law by which monarchs, inspired
by the Gospel spirit of justice and charity, lodge
the right of punishment in the hands of duly
constituted tribunals." Thus this eminent writer,
who frankly states that a political constitution
cannot be framed by man, has recognized the
fact that when monarchy became Christian it
received its fundamental laws. So be it clearly
understood that, when I speak of a Constitution,
I mean something very different from that which
political parties seek to thrust upon either peoples
or sovereigns ; very different from the theories
of ingenious or well-meaning men. I do not
mean a constitution framed by man, but one that
has arisen spontaneously in the course of time,
and from the hidden force of circumstances. Such
a constitution is framed by God Himself : since it
is the natural result of a religious doctrine pre-
vailing by its intrinsic evidence, taking possession
of convictions, both of kings and subjects, and
leading to tangible and practical results. I main-
tain that the powerful, unchangeable doctrine,
which thus won acceptance in all European so-
ciety, was the Gospel. And the result of this
doctrine upon the opinions of monarchs and of
peoples was that they " ceased to be arbitrary, and
began to proceed upon unchanging principles."

The Gospel influence on the hearts of men. 203

In other words, princes submitted to the Constitu- CHAP. iv.
tion imposed on them by the Gospel, and they
thereby accepted and recognized the principle and
the imperishable source of all civil reforms.

Undoubtedly such a constitution did not at once
come to light when the Emperors became Christians.
We are now speaking of an actual Constitution. It
was necessary for the Gospel to be first known
and embraced by people and sovereigns, and then
to penetrate their hearts, and rule their opinions.
This was the work of time. Then it followed
that the inevitable consequences of Gospel prin-
ciples should be drawn out, and applied to the
existing governments. This likewise was no speedy
operation. Lastly, Christianity had to obtain such
a hold over the temper of monarchs, as to force
them to declare, " We are Christians ; we will be
consistent; the Gospel law shall control our power,
and master our personal passions." This was the
important matter ; and little by little it was
realized. Until the power of religion was dis-
played in princes, they did not bow their proud
heads, or become, instead of absolute, Constitu-
tional monarchs, out of obedience to God Who
had deigned to become the Brother of all mankind.
Now I affirm, that when this constitution was
formed, it was not confined to the single point

2O4 Christianity and Government ; three periods.

CHAP. iv. touched upon by the illustrious writer quoted
above. There were other points ; indeed all which
the Gospel temper has dictated and will dictate
to mankind.

XCIII. We may distinguish three several
conditions of Christianity, with respect to the
political world : (1) before rulers had entered the
Church ; (2) when, having entered it, they were
still not subject to the influence of the Gospel ;
and (3) when this influence had produced its
happiest effects upon them.

So long as the Church possessed the people only,
and the rulers were yet without her, she could only
proclaim her heaven-sent teaching to the people.
"Do you," she said, " 0 faithful people, who groan
under the yoke of tyrants, and of worshippers of
false gods, bear patiently their oppressions. Be-
lieve that all is ordered by God's good Providence.
He watches over you, nor would unbelieving
princes have such power, unless the Almighty
Father so willed it for your good. Sin only is evil ;
virtue only is the true good. Seek after this, and
leave all else to your Heavenly Father. When He
shall see that a different order of things better
enables you to gain life eternal, He will change
the outward course of events, and your princes will
be joined to you. Meanwhile, respect those who are

The Gospel and half -converted Kings. 205

set over you, obey them in all save that which is CHAP. iv.
contrary to God's law ; fight, die for them. Do
this not from fear, but for conscience' sake, honour-
ing in them God, Who orders all human events."
When, later on, the emperors were converted
to the Faith, the Church still held the same
language to the people. But she also undertook
to teach the rulers, and since at first their know-
ledge of the Gospel was but superficial, she took
them, so to say, aside, and while bidding the
people never to rebel against their sovereign, what-
ever his faults, since humility, submission and
sacrifice are the marks of a Christian people ; she
held this language to sovereigns: "Remember
that you, too, are but men, and that in the sight of
God all men are equal. You will be judged by
Christ with the same judgment as the lowest and
feeblest of your subjects ; perhaps all the more
sternly, since it is written, ' Judgment must
begin at the House of God.' Know that your
position is one to be feared, and not to be desired
by a faithful heart. It is through righteousness
and charity alone that you can escape eternal
perdition, and save your souls. Beware of setting
your hearts upon your earthly grandeur, all of
which will drop off from you at the hour of death.
Providence has placed you as rulers over the

206 The Gospel and truly Christian Kings.

CHAP. iv. Christian people not for your own, but for their
advantage. Your dignity is but a ministry, a
service ; and in order to be greatest of all, you
must make yourselves least of all." Such were
the sublime and most human truths which the
Church set before sovereigns who became her
sons. They listened respectfully, marvelling to
find a new glory, which they could not win
through earthly power, or regal state, but only by
the lowliness of the Redeemer's Cross. What was
the result ? These truths penetrated men's hearts,
and prevailed. Almost every European throne
boasted of heroes who lived according to the
Gospel precepts. They administered and fought
for justice with one hand, while with the other
they succoured their newly found brethren, the
poor, even ministering in person to them. They
saw, in His poor, Christ Himself; and in aiding
the poor they relieved His needs.

When the Church had thus taught the Gos-
pel theoretically and practically to both parties,
she addressed them in common, after this fashion :
" 0 my sons, ye princes, who are now enlightened
by the Gospel, will ye in all things conform your-
selves to it ? " " We will." " If so, bear in mind
that ye are taught by that Gospel that ye have
been made heads over God's people, not by chance,

Allegiance to Christian Kings, conditioned. 207

_

but by His Divine Will, in order that ye might CHAP. iv.
keep peace, administer justice, and above all pro-
tect arid defend His best gift, Eeligion. Are ye
willing ? " " Certainly, we are willing ; it shall be
our glory to govern God's people righteously and
peacefully, and to defend our Mother, Christ's
^Church." " Then swear to it, in my hands, before
your people." " We swear." " What surety do
you give for your oaths ? Is it not right and just,
in order that your people may have full confidence
in you, as in the representatives of Christ, that
they should receive some pledge of that which
you promise ; so that the Christian people may
never be ruled by unbelieving or rebellious
princes ? " " It is right ; may God visit us with
every calamity, if we are wanting to our oaths."
" Say, then, are you ready to quit your thrones,
should you stray from the Church's obedience ?
do you declare yourselves unworthy to wear a
Christian Crown, which marks whoso wears it
as the vicar of Christ, the King of Kings, if ye
should become enemies of His Church ? and are
you willing to own that the oaths of fidelity taken
by your subjects would become null and void in
the case of such enormity ? " " We own it ; we
agree to all this ; we agree that the sons of the
Church should be governed by faithful sons of

208 Conditions of allegiance of the people

that same Church ; forasmuch as a prince who
ceases to be Christ's minister for the good of the
faithful, is as an enemy to Christ Himself." " Then,
princes and people, my children, take with pure
hands this sacred Gospel ; may the mutual oaths by
which ye now bind yourselves, ever remind you of
the fundamental and immutable laws of all Christian
kingdoms; they will be sources of endless happiness,
if ye observe them religiously, and of tribulation
and malediction to him who first breaks them.*'

This is no dream, but sober reality ; this is the
constitution of Christian kingdoms which arose in
the Middle Ages, when the spirit of the Gospel
had absorbed and subjected the highest ranks in
human society. Those princes were penetrated with
the teaching of Christ, and would have endured all
things rather than renounce it. Confident in their
intentions, they did not shrink from oaths which
seemed to them just and right. They were
willing to bind their descendants with the same
generous bonds of justice and charity to their
people, whom, as baptized with the same Baptism as
themselves, they deemed their brethren, — a sacred
trust committed to them by the King of Kings.
Thus zeal for the Faith prevailed over ambition and
the love of power. For the sake of the Faith, for
the real good of the people, princes were content to

to Christian monarchs. 209

transmit to their successors an empire which was CHAP. iv.
externally less absolute, but which was in truth
nobler, because more just, more religious. Thus
they gave substance and stability to the sceptres
that bowed before those eternal laws of love and
righteousness, in obeying which man truly reigns.
This Christian constitution was partly written,
partly traditional, but it was agreed to by all ;
and of old neither princes nor people cast a doubt
upon it. While men were at peace, and religious,
there was no cause for doubt. It was a common
possession, every one had an interest in its main-
tenance. Later on it was reduced to more formal
and exact laws, such as governed the Roman
Empire and the kingdom of Germany ; we may
see this as we follow Henry's history.

XCIY. Henry, finding himself threatened
with deposition by the German nobles assembled
at Tribur, came to the Pope at Canossa, to seek
release from excommunication. He alleged, as a
reason for his immediate release, that a year had
almost expired since the sentence, while the Palatine
laws pronounced a king who remained a year
and a day out of communion with the Church to
be unworthy of the throne, and to be ipso facto
deposed, without possibility of restoration.1 This

1 Lambertus Scafnaburgensis, A.D. 1076, says, " Ut si ante hanc
diem excommunicatione non absolvatur, deinceps juxta Palatinas

2io Henry IV., ivhy absolved by Gregory.

CHAP. iv. argument induced the Pope to grant absolution.
He was deceived by the outward show of repent-
ance which the unhappy Henry assumed.

Just as in Germany the period of a year and a
day of excommunication was fixed as depriving a
monarch of his throne, so almost every Christian
monarchy was. held by an understanding between
the interested parties, that heresy and infidelity were
equivalent to deposition, and the oath of fidelity was
only taken by subjects on condition that the prince
was faithful to the Christian and Catholic faith.1

leges indignus regis honore habeatur, nee ultra pro asserenda in-
nocentia sua audientiam mereatur : proinde enixe patere, ut solo
interim anathemate absolvatur," etc. Were not these Palatine laws
practically a constitution ?

1 Henry acknowledged that this condition had its rise in the
Church's traditions, in a letter addressed to Gregory VII. : " Me
quoque, licet indignus inter Christianos sum, ad regnum vocatus,
te teste, quern sanctorum Patrum traditio soli Deo judicandum
docuit, nee pro aliquo crimine nisi a fide (quod absit) exorbitaverim,
deponendum asseruit." St. Thomas, who has collected ecclesiastical
tradition more surely and more extensively than any one else, and
whose decisions are considered as the voice of the Church, maintains
that this "constituent law" of Christian kingdoms, by which a Catholic
king loses his throne on falling into heresy, proceeds from the con-
t stitution of the Church as framed by Christ Himself, and is not
merely an expressed or understood convention between princes and
their subjects, with the Church's mediation (Sum. II. ii. 13, 2).
It is certain that until this convention was carried out, until this
doctrine was received as just and good both by people and princes,
the time had not come when the chiefs of the Church could ex-
v, ercise their right over the faithful ; a fact which has not been
sufficiently regarded by those who infer that this power was an
abuse, because it was not exercised in the primitive ages of the

Political mediation of the Church. 2 1 1

XCV. From this it is clear that the deposi- CHAP, iv
tion of a Christian prince depended upon a suit,
the decision of which appertained to the Church's
tribunal. All decisions concerning the Faith ap-
pertain to her, as well as the power of retaining
in or rejecting from her hosom the faithful of
every rank. Moreover it was fitting that the
Church, who as a common Mother had drawn
princes and people into a loving union, of which
she had received the pledge, should have the
power to judge between the parties in case of
any violation of it, before either side proceeded
to vindicate its rights by force. Before the
creation of this Christian understanding between
nations and their rulers, the royal power was, as
we have said, absolute, by divine right. * It

Church. The Church had first to effect the reform of individuals,
and then that of society in general ; when that was achieved, she
was able to apply the laws sanctioned by Christianity. [The fatal
objection to the theory is that it requires moral inerrancy in the
Pope. Rosmini's argument would hold good of an assembly
really representative of the whole Church of Christ. — ED.]

1 It is in this sense that St. Paul said, " Omnis potestas a Deo ; "
and St. Peter, " Subditi estate OMNI HUMAN^E CREATURE propter
Deum." Thus St. Thomas expressly teaches, that to withdraw from
obedience to an unbelieving prince is contrary to the Divine right.
"Est ergo contra jus divinum prohibere quod ejus judicio non
stetur, si SIT INFIDELIS " (Expos, in ep. i. ad Cor. c. vi. sec. 1).
But on the other hand the holy Doctor recognizes the possibility of
a case, in which the prince being Christian, the Church's authority
may loose his subjects from their oath of fidelity. " Et ideo quam
cito aliquis per sententiam denuntiatur excommunicatus propter

212 Characteristics of Christian Kingship.

CHAP. iv. was established as such by God's Providence.
While this condition of things lasted the Church
did not recognize the possibility of Christian sub-
jects casting off their obedience to their sovereign.
But when the sovereigns themselves, giving heed to
the voice of justice and charity, added to the lustre
of their crowns by submitting to the Gospel and
to its maxims ; when they rejoiced to be the
ministers and viceregents of Christ over free men,
instead of being masters of slaves ; when they
voluntarily incurred the blessed obligations of duti-
ful sons of the Church of Christ, thenceforward
monarchy existed, so to say, by "human-ecclesi-
astical right," and the Church recognized the
possibility of a case in which subjects might be
loosed from their oaths of fidelity.

This great change in human society did not
come to pass all at once, but insensibly and
without attracting notice. We therefore cannot
wonder if, when an occasion arose for the first
time for pronouncing so grave a judgment, in the
days of Gregory VII., the Pope's act startled many
men and gave rise to much calumny. The Church
had long exercised a jurisdiction issuing from the
same principles of public Christian right without

apostasiam a fide, ipso facto ejus subditi sunt absoluti a dominio
ejus et juramento fidelitatis, quo ei tenebantur " (Sum. II. ii. xii. 2).

Gregory s action novel, not his jurisdiction. 213

encountering the slightest opposition, or causing CHAP, iv
the least surprise, because as yet her acts had all
been acts of indulgence, not of severity, not such
as ran counter to stubborn and powerful vice.

XCVI. Moreover, those who object to the line of
conduct pursued by the Church towards Henry IV.,
make great account of the evils to society which
for so long a time arose out of the struggle between
the Church and the Empire. I would beg such
objectors to bear in mind, first, that for this very
reason the Church held back from extreme measures
until the reign of Gregory VII.1 It is not
quite fair to make use of her long forbearance
as an argument against her jurisdiction, when
the excessive corruption of the eleventh century
forced her at last to sterner action. Further,
I would beg them to consider calmly, whether
" the step taken by Gregory was of such a
nature as of necessity to cause all the evils that
ensued."

XCVII. In truth this fearful struggle was
not, as is commonly supposed, between the priest-

1 Henry himself, in a letter to the Pope, speaks of Julian the
Apostate as not having been deposed, through the prudence of the
Church, not from any want of right on her part. " Cum etiam
Julianum Apostatam prudentia sanctorum Episcoporum non sibi,
sed soli Deo deponendum commiserit." And this was the ordinary
opinion of those times. Whence do the modern views of public
Christian right arise ? It is an important question.

214 The struggle really with bad clergy.

CHAP. iv. hood and the Empire ; it was a struggle entered
on " in the name of the priesthood and of the
Empire." It was occasioned by a division of the
priesthood into two sections, one of which fought
for the Church, and was the Church ; while the
other fought for itself against the Church, shelter-
ing itself under the semblance of zeal for the
imperial rights. The nobles and the people were
on the Pope's side,1 but there were many rich and

1 The German Princes appealed to the Pope against Henry.
Not the Saxons only, as some modern historians seek to m ike
out, but the Suabians and other German nations, as is shown by
Bruno in his "De Bello Saxonico." After describing Henry's
tyranny and his vice, Bruno proceeds : " Gens vero Suevorum,
audita Saxonum calamitate, clam legates suos ad illos misit, et
foedus cum eis fecit, ut neuter populus ad alterius oppressionem
regi ferret auxilium : . . . Eamdem querimoniam fecerunt ad in-
vicem omnes pene regni Teutonici principes, sed tamen palam nullus
audebat fateri " (Ep. 18). Later, when Gregory VII. sent a letter
breathing a truly evangelical spirit of peace to the princes assembled
at Gerstenge, dissuading them from electing another emperor, the
princes who meant to do this were "pars longe maxima." Some
years later the princes again met at Tribur with the same object.
They finally referred the matter to the Pope, sending envoys to
Henry, who was now humbled and ready to accept any conditions,
with this message, " Tametsi nee in bello nee in pace ulla unquam
ei justitise vel legum cura fuerit, se legibus cum eo agere velle "
(What were these laws according to which the German princes dealt
with Henry, if not fundamental laws; in a word, the Christian
constitution of the State ?) " et cum crimina quse ei objiciuntur
omnibus constent luce clariora, se tamen rem integram Romani Pon-
tificis cognitioni reservare," etc. From which it is evident that those
very German nobles who were about to elect the Emperor referred
the cause to the Pope ; and also that this electoral body con-
sidered themselves bond fide to possess the right of electing another

No wish to tamper with Imperial rights. 215

powerful Bishops against the Pope. The cause is CHAP. iv.
evident. The Pope had in no sense made war upon
the Emperor, whom he treated with paternal kind-
ness, much less upon his crown or any of his
rights, which no one ever wished to take from
him. But the Pope had made war upon a dissolute
and simoniacal clergy. He held himself bound
in conscience to attempt, even at the price of his
own blood, to exterminate vices, which had at-
tained such proportions that they would have
exterminated the Church, had they been any
longer left unchecked.1

Emperor, if Henry persisted in his crimes. For after prescribing
what he must do to give satisfaction to the State, whose laws
he had broken, they go on to say, " Porro si quid horum prse-
varicetur, turn se omni culpa, omni jurisjurandi religione, omni per-
fidice infanda liberates, non expectato ulterius Romani Pontificis
judicio, quid reipublicse expediat, communi consilio visuros." Such
was the jus puUicum of those times. Nor was this language refuted
by Henry, or rebuked by the Pope, or looked upon as strange or
contrary to justice and equity. It was left for the philosophers of
our times to be scandalized at it, and to call it rebellion.

1 A certain Hugo Flaviniacensis thus describes the true cause of
the so-called struggle between the priesthood and the Empire: " Ob
hanc igitur causam,, quia scilicet sanctam Dei Ecclesiam castam esse
volebat (Gregorius), liberam, atque Catholicam ; quia de sanctuario
Dei simoniacam, et Neophytorum hseresim, et fcedam libidinosse
contagionis pollutionem volebat expellere ; membra diaboli cceperunt
in eum insurgere, et usque ad sanguinem prsesumpserunt in eum
manus injicere ; et ut eum morte vel exilio confunderent/ multis
eum modis conati sunt dejicere. Sic surrexit inter regnum et sacer-
dotium contentio, accrevit solito gravior sanctse Dei Ecclesise
tribulatio " (In Chron. Virdunensi, ad an. 1073).

Fleury says, "All those Bishops who were on the Emperor's side,

216 League against Gregory.

CHAP. iv. The integrity and holiness of this great man,
thus raised by God to the Apostolic See for the
deliverance of His people, alarmed all the vicious
clergy, and those who had purchased their Bishop-
rics from Henry. They were powerful both by
reason of their baronies and their influence in the
government. They rose with one accord, joined
in a formidable league out of hatred of righteous-
ness, and put in motion every means of opposition
which the most consummate malice 'could sug-
gest.1 Their watchword was the cry that " all
men must defend the rights of their own sovereign."
But what rights belonging to their sovereign did
these Bishops affect to defend ? Was it the right
to be simoniacal, and the insolent defender of
clerical concubinage ? For what other of Henry's
rights was invaded? Had Gregory VII. ever

and who urged him on against the Pope, had been previously ex-
communicated for simony, heresy, immorality or other crimes : men
to whom Henry had himself sold ecclesiastical benefices. What
courage did a Pope require, who had to govern a Church with such
a clergy, still more a Pope who aimed at its reform ; the secular
powers being involved in the same vices, and ruled chiefly by the
most corrupt among the clergy ! " (Lib. Ixii. 12).

1 These clergy employed not only brutal violence, but every
conceivable form of lie, calumny, and sophistry against Gregory VII.
The Archbishop Guibert of Ravenna, who was later an Anti-Pope,
did not scruple to falsify Nicholas II.'s decretal so as to make it
appear that the Papal election had always been in the Emperor's
hands. By such inventions many were deceived, and the whole
question was complicated.

Henry ruined by bad ecclesiastics. 2 1 7

Topounded the slightest infringement of any CHAP. iv.

;her right save that the Emperor should cease to
,t Episcopal sees as marketable goods, or to pro-
stitute them by improper appointments ? It was
solely to prevent a total and imminent ruin of the
Church, that, other means having failed, and the
Emperor growing worse and worse under the perfi-
dious guidance of the Prelates who were his boon
companions, Gregory finally excommunicated him.
Nor did the corrupt clergy rest content with
having dragged Henry into this depth of evil ; *
they kept him there, and prevented the struggle
from being put an end to. It was natural. War

1 From his earliest youth Henry had been the tool of disre-
putable ecclesiastics, and several saintly men had been sent away
from his Court because they would not pander to his evil ways.
Bruno attributes Henry's excessive profligacy to his intimacy
with Adalbert, Bishop of Bremen. He says, ' ' Hac, igitur, Episcopi
non Episcopali doctrina, rex in nequitia confortatus ivit per libi-
dinum prsecipitia sicut equus et mulus, et qui multorum rex erat
populorum, thronum posuit in se libidini cunctorum reginse viti-
orum," etc. Henry himself, in a moment of repentance, true or
feigned, writing a confession of his errors to Gregory, attributes
many of them to his evil counsellors : " Heu criminosi nos, et
infelices ! partim pueritiae blandientis instinctione, partim pro-
testativse nostrse et imperiosse potential libertate, partim eorum,
quorum seductiles nimium secuti sumus consilia, seductoria de-
ceptione, peccavimus in coelum et coram vobis, et jam digni non
sumus vocatione vestrse filiationis. Non solum enim nos res
ecclesiasticas invasimus, verum quoque indignis quibuslibet et
simoniaco felle amaricatis et non per ostium sed aliunde ingredi-
entibus ecclesias ipsas vendidimus, et non eas, ut oportuit, defend-
iinus," etc. (Vid. t. i. Constitut. Imperial. Goldasti).

2 1 8 Evil clergy prolong the struggle.

CHAP. iv. cannot cease, until the enemy is vanquished. And
in this case the only enemy was the corruption of
these clerical courtiers. If Henry had but listened
to the paternal warnings of the ruler of the
Church, or if, after his first reconciliation with the
Pope at the Castle of Canossa, he had not been
drawn back into his old ways by the wicked
Bishops, who made him a screen for their own
vices, all the storm would have been laid. The
Emperor, loosed from the bonds of excommunica-
tion, would have been at peace with the Church.
He would have preserved his dominions, and the
pious heart of the venerable Pope would have joyed
over him with a father's joy. But if the pre-
tended struggle between the priesthood and the
P]mpire had thus come to a speedy end, as should
have been the case, what would have become of
all the simoniacal, dissolute Prelates, and of the
men who had been forced upon their sees ? They
were well aware what would be the consequences.
They knew how fatal such peace would be to their
vices and pleasures, to the rich benefices they had
purchased at enormous cost, and to their favour
with the prince who was now their accomplice.
What marvel, then, if such men were in de-
spair at any prospect of reconciliation between
Henry and the Pope, or if they made use of every

Pascal //. and the Emperor Henry V. 219

:' • :

means to precipitate the Emperor into fresh sins, CHAP. iv.
and thus again to secure his rupture with the
Church.1

•^^1

XCVIII. Is any further proof required to
show that the rights of the Empire were not
really the object of this long and disastrous
contest ? Let us look on to what took place
half a century later between Henry V. and Pascal
II. No Bishop of primitive days could have
held more saintly or dignified language, or could
have proved more nobly that St. Peter's mind still
governed his see, and that the Gospel of Christ
knows neither yesterday nor to-day, but is of all
time. I will quote the very words addressed by
this great Pope to Henry V., because they are a
clear proof that, even in the darkest times, the
Church never lost that unworldly tone which

1 When Henry obtained release from his sentence of excom-
munication at Canossa, the Bishops of his party were in despair at
finding their cause abandoned by the Emperor. Robert of Bamberg,
Udalric of Costreim, and others foremost among his evil counsellors
were to be dismissed from court by express condition ; and
these men, together with sundry Lombard Bishops of the same
stamp, raised so great an outcry, threatening rebellion, all out of
pretended anger at Henry's loss of dignity, that they drew the
Emperor from his better mind, and he returned to his evil ways .
Certainly their logic was peculiar ! The royal dignity, forsooth,
was dishonoured because Henry had submitted to the Pope's correc-
tion of his vices ; but they on their side proposed to punish the
Emperor in a very practical way indeed !

220 Remarkable proposal of Pascal II.

CHAP. iv. ought to raise the Christian priesthood above all
earthly and transitory aims, and to brace it with
the might of God's word. At the same time the
passage shows how clearly the Popes saw the
truth of what I have been urging, namely, that
the servitude and corruption of the clergy arose
from their entanglement in worldly affairs. Pope
Pascal magnanimously proposed that the clergy
should renounce all their fiefs and secular dignities,
in lieu of which entire liberty should be restored
to them. Surely this was a grand proposal, con-
sidering the condition of the Church. Ecclesiastical
historians have not dealt with it as it deserves.
Future times, however, will do it justice, and will
reckon it one of the brightest facts in the Church's
history. But this high-minded proposal of the
Pope, worthy as it was of the Apostles, appeared
strange and preposterous to his contemporaries. The
German clergy took fright, rebelled against the
Pope, and induced the Emperor, who had already
received and accepted the proposal, to reject
it. What else could be expected ? Thus for the
third time the fascination which worldly wealth
had for the clergy was fatal to peace between the
priesthood and the Empire. The Empire withdrew
from obedience to the Church to make itself the
slave of a corrupt clergy ; it was coaxed and

Pascal's Letter to Henry V. 221

intoxicated by the adulation which will always CHAP. iv.
effect its purpose when employed by a class of
clergy who have neither dignity nor self-respect to
lose. Thus the Empire was a mere pretext and
accessory in the great struggle. The profligate
clergy cunningly involved it in their own quarrel ;
they fought for themselves while talking of the
Emperor's rights and making use of his assistance.
But let us hear Pascal himself. He wrote thus
to the Emperor : —

" According to the tenor of the law of God,
the sacred Canons have forbidden priests to occupy
themselves with secular cares, or to attend the
Court, save to intercede for those who are con-
demned, or who suffer injustice. But in parts of
your kingdom Bishops and Abbots are so occupied
with secular cares, that they cannot but assiduously
frequent the Court, and are compelled to render
military service. Ministers of the Altar have be-
come ministers of the State, having received from
Monarchs, cities, duchies, marquisates, money,
castles, and other things appertaining to the service
of the country. Hence arose a custom in the
Church, that Bishops elect should not any longer
receive consecration until they were invested by
the royal hand.1 Thus some have received in-

1 Here was the real origin of investitures — fiefs.

222 Pascal's Letter to Henry V.

CHAP. iv. vestiture while the Bishop of the see was still
living. These and numerous other evils which
often arose by reason of investitures, moved onr
blessed predecessors, Gregory VII. and Urban II.,
who frequently assembled the Bishops in Council,
and condemned these investitures by laymen. They
pronounced clergymen who held Churches on such
tenure to be deposed, and those who had invested
them to be excommunicate, according to the
Apostolic Canon which says, ' If a Bishop make
use of the secular power to obtain a Church, let
him be deposed, and let those who communicate
with him be excommunicate.' Wherefore we will,
0 King Henry, our beloved son, that those royal
rights which clearly appertained to the State in
the times of Charles, of Louis, of Otho, and of
other thy predecessors, be restored to thee. And
we prohibit and interdict under pain of anathema,
any Bishop or Abbot, present or future, from tres-
passing hereafter on the royal rights, that is to
say, on cities, duchies, marches, counties, moneys,
tribute, advocacies, military rights, or, in short,
anything appertaining to the State, the army, or
the camp. We further decree that the Churches
with their oblations, and their hereditary posses-
sions, which clearly never belonged to the State,
shall remain free, as on thy coronation day thou

Pascal's Letter to Henry V.

didst promise to the Lord Almighty, in the face CHAP. iv.
of the whole Church." L

Is this the language of a usurper ? Is such
generosity, such readiness to give up temporal
power lawfully earned by the Church in earlier

1 " Divinse legis institutionibus sancitum est, et sacris Canonibus
interdictum, ne sacerdotes curis ssecularibus occupentur, neve ad
comitatum, nisi pro damnatis eruendis, atque pro aliis qui injuriam
patiuntur, accedant. In vestri autem regni partibus, Episcopi vel
Abbates adeo curis ssecularibus occupantur, ut comitatum assidue
frequentare, et militiam exercere cogantur. Ministri vero Altaris,
ministri Curise facti sunt, quia civitates, ducatus, marchionatus,
monetas, turres, et csetera ad regni servitium pertinentia, a regibus
acceperunt. Unde etiam mos Ecclesise inolevit, ut electi Episcopi
nullo modo consecrationem acciperent, nisi per manum regiam
investirentur. Aliquando etiam vivis Episcopis investiti sunt. His
et aliis plurimis malis, quse per investituram plerumque contigerant,
praedecessores nostri Gregorius VII. et Urbanus II. felicis recorda-
tionis Pontifices excitati, collectis frequenter episcopalibus Con-
ciliis, investituras illas manu laica damnaverunt, et si qui cleri-
corum per earn tenuissent Ecclesias, deponendos, datores quoque
communione privandos percensuerunt, juxta illud Apostolicorum
Canonum Capitulum, quod ita se habet : * si quis Episcopus sseculi
potestatibus usus, Ecclesiam per ipsas obtineat, deponatur, et
segregentur omnes qui illi communicant. ' Tibi itaque, fili carissime
Henrice Rex, et regno regalia ilia dimittenda preecipimus, quse ad
regnum manifeste pertinebant tempore Caroli, Ludovici, Ottonis, et
caetororum prsedecessorum tuorum. Interdicimus etiam et sub
anathematis districtione prohibemus, ne qui Episcoporum seu Abba-
torum, praesentium vel futurorum, eadem regalia invadent, id est
civitates, ducatus, marchias, comitatus, monetas, teloneum, advo-
catias, juracenturionum, et curtes quse regni erant, cum pertinentiis
suis, militiam et castra. Porro Ecclesias cum oblationibus et hsere-
ditariis possessionibus, quse ad regnum manifeste non pertinebant,
liberas manere decrevimus, sicut in die coronationis tuaa omni-
potenti Domino in conspectu totius Ecclesiee promisisti." — Ep. xxii.
(Migne's edition, Ep. 314, vol. clxiii. col. 283).

224 Moderation of the Popes Letter.

CHAP. iv. times, by her services to the State, a proof of Papal
ambition and covetousness ? * And what was

1 Pope Pascal has been blamed by some for not maintaining the
rights of the Church, when thus ready to give up her temporal
riches to others. To these I would reply, It seems as though the
acquisition of riches and power had not only actively demoralized
the clergy, but had also given rise generally to an overweaning
trust in human means for the protection of religion. Later on,
this temporal wealth was but too vigorously defended, as we
shall see hereafter. The ancient ecclesiastical maxim was that
" It is better to give up, than to assert rights when such assertion
is likely to produce spiritual evil ; " inasmuch as temporal pos-
sessions are not indispensable to the Church, as are her liberty and her
holiness, and therefore they do not deserve an absolute, unqualified
defence. We may learn from St. Augustine's sermons, and espe-
cially Serm. cccxvi., what were his views as to the possessions of
the Church. He says, " If any one thinks to despoil his children
in order to endow the Church, let him seek another than Augus-
tine to receive the gift, or rather, I hope it may please God that he
may not find such an one; " thereby implying that his opinion was
common among the Bishops of that period. He adds, " How
worthy was the deed of Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage ! There was
a man who, being childless, and without any hope of offspring, left
all his goods to the Church, reserving the income to himself. But
later he had children, and the Bishop restored all the gift to him,
when he little looked for it. The Bishop might have retained it
according to worldly laws, but not according to God's Law."

St. Ambrose also writes : " Quid igitur non humiliter responsum
a nobis est ? Si tributum petit (imperator) non negamus. Agri
Ecclesise solvunt tributum : si agros desiderat imperator, potestatem
habet vindicandorum, nemo nostrum intervenit " (De Basilicis
tradendis, n. 33). And with regard to this matter of tribute there
has been too much eagerness to exempt ecclesiastical property
from taxation. Where the Church's possessions are large, this
exemption seems unjust and odious. Nay more, it was rather
injurious than profitable to the Church in temporal things, since
therefrom chiefly arose the great evil of mortmain, so that, as
Barbosa says, " Regnorum utilitas postulat ut bona stabilia sint in
commercio hominum non privilegiatorum et exemptorum " (Lib. ii.
de Pensionibus., vol. xxvi. n. 19). The just arrangement would

Liberty of the Church, its real object. 225

asked of the secular power in exchange for the CHAP. iv.
renunciation of such extensive rights ? Did any
deep design lurk beneath ? Was it a political trick
on the part of the Roman Court ? Let God judge
between those who would say so, and Eome. The
Popes demanded nothing in return save Liberty
for the Church, already oppressed well-nigh to
extinction. I dare to say that they never demanded
anything more : their ambition and their covetous-
ness went no further.1 But it is just this very

have been, " Let the State renounce all regalia with respect to pro-
perty not originally bestowed by it, and let the Church pay tribute
like the rest of the community."

1 Pascal II. knew well that the question was complicated by the
suggestions of bad men, and consequently he wrote thus to the
King of England : " Amid all these contradictions we implore thee,
0 King, not to let any one suggest to thy mind, that we seek to
diminish anything of thy power, or that we only seek to vindicate
our greater influence in the promotion of Bishops. Do thou for
the love of God give up pretensions which are manifestly contrary
to God, and not to be acted on with His approval, and which,
for our own soul's sake and thine, we cannot concede. For the
rest, we will concede to thee whatsoever thou shalt ask according to
God's will, with hearty good pleasure, gladly promoting all that can
redound to thine honour and exaltation. Think not that thou
weakenest thy power in desisting from this profane usurpation.
Rather wilt thou reign with greater safety, efficiency, and honour,
inasmuch as Divine Authority will reign with thee." These last
remarkable words of Pascal indicate a fact which has been dwelt on
by a profound writer of our own times, namely, that " although the
Popes opposed sovereigns who sought to oppress the Church, they
never abased them. The submission of kings to the Church's
authority conferred upon sovereignty a sacred element, a kind of
reflection of Divine splendour." Pascal's words to the English
King exactly tally with this: uNec existimes quod potestatis

Q

226 Church Reform resisted by bad clergy.

CHAP. iv. liberty, this life of the Church which gives offence.
The one unpardonable offence of the Popes
throughout the struggle was, that they asserted
and demanded it. Then the world cries out that
thrones are insulted, and their rights usurped by
Papal ambition. Such is the unjust and untrue
motive power of the declamations made against
the Roman Pontiffs ; declamations which are
characteristic of the last century. Such, too, is
the real mainspring of that affected zeal for
monarchical rights in times which are really doing
all in their power to sweep kings from the face of
the earth, while kings alone are blind to the fact.

XCIX. The proposition which I maintain is
that the real cause of the struggle between
the priesthood and the Empire was a depraved
clergy, who resisted the reform which the Church
sought to enforce. This fact becomes more and
more self-evident at each step of the history of
the contest. If we open any of the chronicles
of the period, whatever may be the party or
opinion which they represent and whatever page
we glance at, fresh proofs will appear of the truth

tuse columen infirmetur si ab hac profana usurpatione desistas.
Imo tune validius, tune robustius, tune honorabilius regnabis,
cum in regno tuo Divina regnabit auctoritas " (Eadmer, lib. iii.
Hist. Nov. ; Paschal II., ep. xlix.) We might add that he alone
truly reigns who obeys God, justice, and truth.

Pascal II. and Henry I. of England. 227

which I affirm. It is astonishing that modern CHAP. iv.
historians should shut their eves to so patent a
fact, too often written in characters of blood. It
were useless to bring additional proofs of that
which history continuously demonstrates. But the
truth has been so disguised and obliterated, that
to many it sounds like novelty, and therefore it
deserves a new and careful proof out of respect
for popular opinion. For this reason, and in
order to show how that which has been here
maintained applies generally to the contest be-
tween Popes and princes, I shall leave the German
Emperors, and shall briefly refer to what passed
between Pascal II. and Henry I. of England.

Like his contemporaries, Henry appointed
Bishops in all directions. The Pope warned him
that the office was sacred, and not to be treated
as merchandise ; that it belonged to the Church
to fill vacant sees ; and that the successors of
the Apostles should be duly called of Christ by
means of Canonical election. The King resisted.
Letters and embassies followed ; * Pascal remained

1 On the occasion of a first embassy sent by Henry I. to Home in
order to obtain from Pascal II. the right of investing Bishops, that
Pope made this dignified answer: "Thou askest of the Church
of Rome right and faculty to appoint Bishops and Abbots by
investiture, and that the regal power may be enabled to do what
our Almighty Lord has declared can only be done through

228 Pascal II. and St. Anselm of Canterbury,

CHAP. iv. firm as a rock; St. Anselm the Primate of England
supported him. This holy Archbishop had already

Himself. He hath said, ' I am the Door ; by Me if any man
enter in, he shall be saved.' But when kings arrogate to them-
selves to be the Church's door, they are not shepherds, but thieves
and robbers ; as saith the Lord, * He that entereth not by the
door into the sheepfold, but climbeth up some other way, the same
is a thief and a robber.' Verily, if thou askedst of us anything
which we could righteously and in the sight of God grant to thee,
willingly we would do so. But that which thou askest is so
grave, so unworthy a request, that the Catholic Church can in no
way receive or admit it. The blessed Ambrose let himself be
driven to extremities without yielding the government of the
Church to the Emperor. He said, ' Do not wrong thyself, 0
Emperor, by supposing that thou hast any imperial right over
Divine things. Be not wroth, but if thou wouldst enjoy a long
reign, submit thyself to God. It is written, " Render unto God
the things which be God's, and to Csesar the things which be
Caesar's." Palaces appertain to emperors, churches to ecclesiastics :
thou hast right over the secular, not the sacred buildings. What
wouldst thou with an adulteress ? Yet she who is not united in
lawful marriage is an adulteress.' Hearest thou, O King, that
Church styled adulteress which has not contracted legitimate
marriage ? And the Bishop is the spouse of his Church. If, then,
thou art a son of the Church, let thy Mother contract lawful
marriage, not by means of man, but by Christ, God and Man.
For the Apostle shows that Bishops were chosen of God if they be
canonically elected, when he says, ' No man taketh this honour to
himself, but he that is called of God, as was Aaron. ' And the
blessed Ambrose : * I believe that he is chosen of the Divine
judgment, who is demanded by all ; ' and again: ' Where universal
consent demands any one, we cannot doubt that the Lord Jesus
Christ is Author of the will, and Ruler of the demand, President
of the ordination, and Giver of grace.' Thus, too, the Prophet
David saith, ' Instead of thy fathers, thou shalt have children,
whom thou mayest make princes in all lands.' Here we see the
Church generating sons, and making them princes. In truth it
were monstrous to say that the son generated the father, and
that man can make a God ! It is plain that Holy Writ calls the

in controversy with Henry /. 229

suffered persecution and exile for the Church's CHAP. iv.
freedom under Henry's predecessor, William.
Henry had recalled him, from political motives,
and had received him honourably. But the Arch-
bishop was incorruptible, and never would make
the concession of allowing him to invest Bishops
with his royal hand. In order to bring the dis-
pute with Anselm to an end, a fresh embassy was
sent to the Pope ; three Bishops on the King's
part, two monks on that of the Primate. They
returned without having effected anything. The
Pope's firm and dignified letters 1 to Anselm were
read before an assembly of Bishops and nobles,
convened by the King. The matter seemed to be
decided and the King to be yielding. Bat at that

clergy gods, as being the vicars of God. Hence the Holy
Roman and Apostolic Church did not hesitate by means of our
predecessors to oppose the usurpations of kings, and the abomi-
nable investitures they sought to give ; nor could the persecutions
of tyrants, with which she has been oppressed till now, move her.
But we trust in the Lord, and Peter, Prince of the Church and
first of Bishops, shall not lose the might of his faith so far as we
are concerned " (Eadmer, lib. iii. Hist. Nov.).

1 "Thy wisdom will remember with what efficacy, vigour, and
severity our Fathers in past times fought against that poisonous root
of simoniacal depravity, investiture. In the time of our revered pre-
decessor in Christ, Urban, a venerable Council of Bishops and Abbots
was gathered together near Bari, at which both your holiness and
we ourselves assisted, as those who accompanied us will remember,
when sentence of excommunication was published against that plague.
We also, of the like mind with our fathers, feel the same, and testify
the same." Pascal to Anselm. This letter is dated Dec. 12, A.D. 1102.

230 Bad conduct of three English Bishops.

CHAP. iv. very moment, when peace was apparently won,
and the rights of the Church restored to her,
everything was thrown back again by those very
three Bishops who had been sent to the Pope.
By means of a bold and insolent lie they won
the King back to his evil resolve, and perpetu-
ated the Church's slavery. Their imposture
was speedily exposed, and punished with excom-
munication. They affirmed that in a private
interview with them the Pope had conceded to the
King that which he had refused in his letters, on
the ground that if it were committed to writing
other princes would demand similar concessions.1

1 To this discreditable lie of the three courtier Bishops, Pascal
replied, " We call to witness Jesus, Who tries the hearts and reins,
that never from the moment we undertook the Holy See did we
even imagine so cruel a sin. And may God ever preserve us from
having one thing on our lips, and another in our hearts, remember-
ing the imprecation, ' Lying lips are an abomination unto the Lord.'
If we were silently to allow the Church to be damaged by the gall
of bitterness, and the bond of iniquity, how could we clear our-
selves before the Eternal Judge, inasmuch as the Lord hath said of
His priests through the Prophet, ' I have made thee a watchman
unto the house of Israel ' ? He does not well guard the city who,
while he watcheth not, letteth the city be taken of the enemy. And
if a secular hand gives the sign of pastoral office, the staff, and
that of faith, the ring, what is the use of Pontiffs in the Church ?
The Church's honour would be overthrown, the vigour of her dis-
cipline dissolved, all Christian religion spurned, were we to permit
audacious laymen to do that which none but ecclesiastics should do.
No, the laity must not betray the Church, nor sons stain their
Mother with adultery ; the laity's part is to defend the Church, not
to betray her. WTieri Uzziah stretched forth his hand to the priest's

Misapprehension of modern historians. 231

In vain the two monks who had also been of CHAP. iv.
the embassy denied the story ; they were insulted
and silenced. Thus all hope of peace was lost,
and that not through any obstinacy on the King's
part, but through the misconduct of these time-
serving, sirnoniacal Bishops.

Thus we see that it is an obvious injustice on
the part of modern historians, to leave on one
side the real point of the question, in order to
bring forward a mere accessory. They lose sight
of the cause, to consider the combatants. No doubt
the Popes and sovereigns were the chief com-
batants. But the cause of strife was the clergy.
The Popes sought to restore them to their ancient
virtue and dignity, while the sovereigns sought
to retain them in vice. So that in fact princes
became merely captains * in the pay of the dregs
of the ecclesiastical order, who sought for impunity
under the royal shield.

C. What, then ? Was it fitting that the Chief
of the Church should let himself be frightened by
mere brute force wielded by a corrupt clergy ?

office, he was smitten with leprosy ; and when the sons of Aaron
offered strange fire upon the altar, they were consumed by the fire
of the Lord." He goes on to prove that no prince can lawfully give
Bishoprics at his will, and ends with excommunicating the impostors,
and those who had meanwhile received Episcopal investiture from
the King.

1 [Ital. condottieri.— ED.]

232 No reform possible without opposition.

CHAP. iv. or that the successors of St. Peter should flinch
before the difficulty of the undertaking ? Could
the}7 neglect to provide for the safety of God's
Church solemnly committed to them, from fear of
recusant and unfaithful ecclesiastics, in that her
hour of trial ? Would such poverty of spirit have
been worthy of the Popes ? Were they not bound
to gird themselves up in a self-sacrificing temper
to the noble work ; their faith in the promises of
Christ filling them with sure hope of success ?
On the other hand, was any great reform ever
effected without much confusion ? When were
inveterate and widespread abuses ever overcome
without opposition and hindrance ? Did any
people ever regain their lost dignity without
sacrifices ? or did any nation ever attain to pros-
perity, save through trial and hardship ? And
could we expect the Catholic Church, formed out
of so many combined nations, when she had been
degraded and enslaved, to rise up from the depths
of degradation and become free, without a mighty
effort and great social agitation ? Of a truth
men of petty minds know not what they say when
they sit in judgment on great men raised up by
Providence to lead the Christian nations, and to
undertake the reformation of mankind.

CI. Consult the historians who are most

Testimony of Hume and Robertson. 233

opposed to the Papacy, Protestant authors such as CHAP. iv.
Hume and Robertson. They fully recognize the
fact that " the restoration of society as well as of
the Church, which both had reached the lowest
point of degradation, coincides with the period of
Gregory VII. 's Pontificate." * It only needs an un-
prejudiced eye to see that this coincidence was
not casual, and that it is explained by the noble
conduct of the Pope who is so abused by the histo-
rians. His acts, if attentively studied, will be seen
to have benefited civil society no less than the
Church, as indeed the interests of the two are in-
dissolubly bound up together. But we are only
treating of the Church's liberty in Episcopal elec-
tions,2 and to that subject we will confine ourselves.

1 The disorders in the feudal system, together with the corrup-
tion of taste and manners consequent upon these, which had gone
on increasing during a long course of years, seem to have attained
their utmost point of excess towards the close of the eleventh cen-
tury. From that era, we may date the return of government and
manners in a contrary direction, and can trace a succession of causes
and events which contributed, some with a nearer and more con-
spicuous, others with a more remote and less perceptible influence, to
abolish confusion and barbarism, and to introduce order, regularity,
and refinement (Robertson, View of the State of Europe, Wks. IV.
p. 25. Hume, Hist. Engl., ii. p. 441.)

2 It would be a serious and useful study to trace out the work
of Gregory VII. in a barbarous society, by setting forth principles
of justice, equity, and humanity, as well as their results. For
instance, at one Roman Council he established laws in favour of the
shipwrecked, ordaining that "on whatsoever shore they may be
cast, their calamity be respected, and that no one hurt either their

234 Revived earnestness in the Church

CHAP. iv. OIL The whole Church of God was roused
from the lethargy into which she had fallen,
by the cry of liberty which Gregory raised. It
was a new, welcome, useful cry. The dying em-
bers of faith, justice, and respect for the Church,
were rekindled in every breast. All the Bishops
of particular Churches, who remained true, an-
swered to the appeal.1 They enrolled themselves
under the common standard. They repeated the
ancient protests of Canons and treatises against
secular usurpation. These had scarcely been
heard of during the preceding century.2

persons or their goods." " Ut quicumque naufragum quemlibet et
illius bona invenerit, secure tarn eum quain omnia sua dimittat "
(Concil. iv. Rom. sub. Gregor. VII.). This is one of those humane
enactments which passed into the public law of Europe.

1 Witness some of the Canons confirmed by Councils after Pope
Gregory raised the standard of reform and liberty, before the end
of the eleventh century. The Council of Clermont, A.D. 1095,
decreed, " Nullus ecclesiasticum aliquem honorem a manu laicorum
accipiat" (Can. 15). " Nullus presbyter cappellanus alicujus laici esse
possit, nisi concessione sui Episcopi " (Can. 18).

Council of Nimes, A.D. 1096. " Clericus vel monacus, qui
ecclesiasticum de manu laici susceperit beneficium, quia non intravit
per ostium, sed ascendit aliunde sicut fur et latro, ab eodem separetur
officio " (Can. 8).

Council of Tours, A.D. 1096. "Nullus laicus det vel adimat
presbyterum Ecclesiae sine consensu Prsesulis " (Can. 6).

2 Time would fail to recount all that was done and suffered on
behalf of the Church's liberty, in consequence of the stimulus given
by Gregory, by such men as St. Peter Damian, St. Anselm of Can-
terbury, St. Anselm of Lucca, St. Ivo of Chartres ; and later, St.
Bernard, and many other great Prelates.

due to the energy of Gregory VII. 235

The work was manifestly of God. For in- CHAP. iv.

what earthly counsel could have saved the
urch in her extremity? Whence could have
risen so remarkable a man to fill the Apostolic
Chair ; a man who dared to attempt a thorough
formation of an old and corrupt world ; to
nfront all external powers, all internal foes : a
man who, within the space of a few years, in
eleven councils, dealt with all the rankest and most
inveterate evils of the time, purged the Church of
them, and finally left to his successors instruc-
tions so clear and precise as to be of themselves
sufficient to uphold the Church's rule ? What
save God's Providence ordered that long series
of Pontiffs, who succeeded Gregory VII., among
whom were Victor III., Urban II. , Pascal II.,
Gelasius II., Calixtus II., who all partook of the
strength and uprightness of their predecessor ;
who all looked upon him as their father and
teacher,1 and all, without exception or swerving,
continued his great work of setting Episcopal

1 In the profession of faith made by Pascal II. at the Lateran
Council, A.D. 1112, he says that he embraced the decrees of the
Popes his predecessors, " et praecipue decreta Domini mei Papse
Gregorii VII. et beatas memorise Papse Urbani : quae ipsi laudave-
runt, laudo ; quae ipsi tenuerunt, teneo ; quse confirmaverunt. coii-
firmo ; quae damnaverunt, damno ; quae repulerunt, repello ; quae
interdixerunt, interdico ; quse prohibuerunt, prohibeo in omnibus,
et per omnia, et in his semper perseverabo."

236 Influence of Gregory VII.

CHAP. iv. elections free, and of purifying the morals of the
age ? 1 And most needful it was that so it should

1 All these Popes, even those whose reigns were brief, fought
bravely for the freedom of elections, all held Councils, and issued
decretals. To recount all their efforts is impossible, but I will select
some of their most important decretals. Victor III., who only
lived two years, held a Council at Benevento, A.D. 1087, where he
published the following decretal : " We decree, that if henceforth
any one shall receive an episcopate or an abbacy from any layman,
he shall not be held to be a Bishop or Abbot, nor receive the re-
spect due to such office. Moreover, we reject such a one from the
bosom of the Blessed Peter, and all entrance to the Church until
he hath repented and given up the office he received by so great a
crime of ambition and disobedience, which is idolatrous wickedness.
And likewise of inferior ranks and offices in the Church. Again,
if any emperor, king, duke, prince, count, or any other secular
power whatsoever, presume to confer the Episcopal or other eccle-
siastical dignity, let him be bound by the same sentence. And
this forasmuch as the 318 Fathers of the Nicene Council excom-
municated all such buyers and sellers, pronouncing anathema both
on those who give, and those who receive." Urban II. vindicated
the same liberties in three Councils which he held at Melfi, Cler-
mont, and Rome, A.D. 1089, 1095, and 1099. In the second of
these Councils the two following Canons were set forth : I. " The
Catholic Church is pure in the faith, and free from all secular
bondage." II. "Bishops, Abbots, and others of the clergy shall
not receive any ecclesiastical dignity from princes or any layman
whatsoever. "

Pascal II. withstood the same abuse in eight Councils, of which
five were held in Home, in the years 1102, 1105, 1110, 1112, 1116,
and the other three at Guastalla, A.D. 1106, Troyes, 1107, and
Benevento, 1108, where he strove for ecclesiastical rights with mar-
vellous wisdom and gentleness. The Council of Guastalla proves
that the reform of the Church was beginning to bear fruit. " For
long" (so it said), " evil men, clergy as well as laymen, damaged
the Church, whence in our times many schisms and heresies arose.
Now, by Divine grace, those evildoers being discomfited, she regains
her liberty. Wherefore it is fitting that we provide for the thorough
destruction of the causes of such schisms. To which end we con-

felt in succeeding ages. 237

For the struggle was continual. It demanded CHAP. iv.
persevering loyalty to those principles for a much
longer period than any one man's life. It needed
an indefatigable, courageous assertion of the truth,
with Apostolical tenderness and by many Popes in
succession. They thus seemed to represent only
one undying Pontiff, just as it was one and
the same Papacy which could overcome prejudices,
subdue passions, and cause the slow power of truth
to penetrate the minds of sovereigns, and subject

firm the constitutions of our fathers, and prohibit all lay investitures.
And if any violate this decree, if he be a clerk thus guilty of insult
to his Mother, he shall be thrust out of his office ; if a layman, he
shall be put without the Church's bounds."

Gelasius II., harassed, driven out of Home, and persecuted,
fought manfully for the same cause.

Calixtus II., who after much difficulty concluded a peace,
when Henry V. gave up investitures, had previously pronounced a
solemn condemnation of the abuse in the Council of Rheims, sup-
ported by 420 fathers. We will quote the words of the Bishop of
Chalons, who was sent as the Pope's ambassador to the Emperor.
Having convicted the Emperor of breach of faith by his own hand-
writing, he thus clearly set the matter before him : ' ' Sire, as
regards us, thou wilt find us punctually faithful to all our promises.
Nor does our Lord the Pope aim at impairing in any way the con-
dition of the kingdom or of the crown, as some mischief-makers have
affirmed. On the contrary, he teaches publicly that all men should
serve thee by military service, and by all such services as were of old
rendered to thee and to thy predecessors. But if thou thinkest that
thy kingdom is impoverished because henceforth thou mayest not
sell Bishoprics, that is an error. It is for the benefit of thy
kingdom that thou shouldst give up such claims as are contrary
to the law of God." Such was the universal language ; we may
defy modern sophistry to prove that the Popes sought anything
further.

238 The Pontifical reserves.

CHAP. iv. them ultimately to Christ. This was at last done
when they solemnly renounced their usurpations
at Worms, A.D. 1122, and the following year
at the (Ecumenical1 Lateran Council, forty-nine
years after Gregory VII. had first anathematized
the abuse of investitures ! And who but Divine
Providence finally perfected the great work,
when unforeseen events led Otho IV., A.D. 1209,
Frederic II., A.D. 1213 and 1220, and Eudolf I.,
A.D. 1275, to renounce the abused rights of regalia,
of sequestration, and of deprivation, which greatly
curtailed the liberties of the Church ?

CIII. The Church, under the guidance of the
Holy See, may be said to have fully triumphed
when Rudolf took the oaths at Lausanne. Every-
thing implied that freedom of election was estab-
lished for ever, and that the Flock of Christ
might be expected to enter on a period of renewed
life.

But at this very moment the enemy of souls
invented a new and subtle method of troubling
the peace and prosperity of the Church. This—
ought I to say it ? — lay in the unlimited reserves.
The position which the Holy See had obtained
by its lawful and just triumph over the secular
powers, secured for it great confidence. Its needs

i [So-called.— ED.]

Anti-papal laws in England and France. 239

_ , „

ilmost constrained it. Other causes more to be CHAP. iv.
jplored helped forward this serious change in
discipline. Not that the Holy See has not
right to reserve elections to itself, when any
[traordinary cause requires it. The right to save
ie Church from peril must always exist. But it
the system of ordinary and universal re-
serves which raised all classes against the Papacy.
The dispute arose simultaneously with the re-
serves. As early as the thirteenth century Gregory
IX., in order to pacify the English, conceded the
point respecting benefices which had lay patrons.1
Soon after, a provision was demanded of the Coun-
cil of Lyons.2 When this was refiisedj the Mother
of all the Churches lost in public consideration.
She was the object of hostile demonstrations.
In England Edward III. annulled the Papal
provisions.3 In France the Gallican Clergy issued
decrees on their own account, by which they
imposed laws on the Pope. In A.D. 1406, Charles
VI. adopted these decrees as laws of the State.
The Council of Constance was urged on all sides
to seize the Pontifical reserves. Although that
Council was restrained by some lingering rever-
ence for the Chief of the clergy, the Council of
Basle, which followed speedily, was at once more

1 Ep. xiii. (ap. Mansi). 2 A.D. 1245. 3 A.D. 1343.

LIBRARY ST. MARY'S COLLEGE

240 The Popes lose moral weight

CHAP. iv. impatient and more daring. It laid hands on
them without scruple. The decrees of this Council
against reserves, expected bounties, and annates
were received as providential interferences by
France, which had demanded their enactment.
In the year 1438 they were embodied in the
too famous Pragmatic Sanction. In the following
year Germany imitated the example thus set ;
the Popes yielded more and more, and at last
the dispute was arranged by means of Concordats
granted by Eugenius IV. and Nicholas Y. in the
years 1446 and 1448.1 This time the abuse was
on the Church's side ; we are bound to acknow-
ledge it candidly, as the Popes themselves have
done. And thus this affair of reserves ended in
humbling the Apostolic See, as much as it had
been raised in public estimation by the results
of the dispute about investitures.

CIY. The worst evil, however, lay in the fatal
consequences which accrued to the Church after
this matter was practically at an end. Doubtless
the battle concerning investitures had been fiercer.
But it was of a less damaging character, and the
strife was more easily healed. In that struggle,
Rome shone forth with the splendour of justice,

1 The first of these Concordats was agreed on at Frankfort, the
second at Aschaffenburg, under Frederic III.

through the question of reserves. 241

and disinterested generosity ; brute force, depravity CHAP. iv.
and falsehood were her only antagonists.1 But
with the question of reserves it was otherwise.
In this matter nations, Churches, princes attri-
buted to Rome no motive save a low self-
interest. Men were more disgusted than angry.
And contempt is more damaging than anger.

1 I have already observed that as the Popes never interfered
in Episcopal elections, unless in cases of obvious necessity, they
were able to take a high tone when they exhorted princes likewise
to abstain from interference. Pope Adrian could write forcibly
to Charlemagne, " Nunquam nos in qualibet electione invenimus,
nee invenire habemus." And with what weight he continues,
' ' Sed neque vestram excellentiam optamus in talem rem incumbere.
Sed qualis a clero et plebe . . . electus canonice fuerit, et nihil sit
quod sacro obsit ordini, solita traditione ilium ordinamus " (Tom,
ii. Cone. Gall., pp. 95 and 120. See Car. Mag., op. Pt. I. Sect. iii.
p. 518).

All through the discussion the Popes could assure the princes
that, in sustaining the Church's liberties, they had no personal
object or desire of influence in the matter. Pascal II. wrote to
Henry I. of England, ' ' Inter ista, Rex, nullius tibi persuasio pro-
fana surripiat, quasi aut potestati tuae aliquid diminuere, aut nos in
Episcoporum promotions aliquid nobis velimus amplius vindicare"
(Eadmer, lib. iii. Hist. Novor. ; Paschal, ep. 49). In the twelfth
century, Alexander III. having founded the city of Alessandria
and appointed a first Bishop, announced with great delicacy that he
had no intention by that appointment to assert any wish to
interfere with the free election of its future Bishops: "De
novitate et necessitate processit, quod nulla praecedente electione,
auctoritate nostra, vobis et Ecclesiss vestrse electum providimus.
Statuimus ut non praejudicetur in posterum quominus electionem
liberam habeatis, sicut canonici Ecclesiarum Cathedralium, quaa
Mediolanensi Ecclesiae subjacent." So delicate and high-minded
were the Papal proceedings, in those days, respecting elections.

B

242 Widespread estrangement from the Papacy.

CHAP. iv. just as the loss of temporal goods from violence
and persecution is much less serious than the loss
of moral dignity. Divine Providence saw fit to
purge the Papacy of covetousness, and to that end
it was permitted to undergo a severe and bitter
trial. Covetousness, which never yields save to
overwhelming force, was conquered by means of
violence, hatred, and contempt. But Rome's
discomfiture left traces on the minds of men,
which have permanently weakened the Church of
Christ. This circumstance especially favoured
the heresies of the sixteenth century. Those
heresies found the princes of Europe cold and
languid in their love and esteem for the Holy
See, and ill disposed to uphold it, in consequence
of the scandal it had given. Perhaps some even
rejoiced to see rebellion stirred up against the
Popes amid the clergy themselves, who sought
to throw off an old and galling yoke. And the
liberty thus sought, speedily became license. It
was more pregnant with consequences than the
sovereigns of that period understood. It was
really the assertion of the independence of natural
reason in presence of revelation. It was a fatal
rationalism which, like a deadly germ, developed
in course of years into the mighty tree of un-
belief, overran the world, changed social manners,

Were spiritual ends sacrificed to temporal f 243

shook thrones, arid caused the more thoughtful CHAP, iv,
part of mankind to have misgivings as to their
future destiny. The revolutions of France and of
Europe may be traced back to this distant source.
CY. A further disastrous result of this matter
of reserves was, as we have already said, that the
nomination of Bishops was ceded to the secular
princes.1 Thus that liberty of elections which
had cost such efforts, such risks, and such weary
toil to Gregory VII. and his indomitable suc-
cessors, was impaired. Must we admit that Rome
ceded part of that precious liberty in the Con-
cordat of Bologna, A.D. 1516, in order to preserve
certain temporal advantages ? We will never
affirm it, or let drop one word of blame concern-
ing that which was done by Leo X. after most
deliberate reflection, and with the concurrence of
a General Council.2 But we must lament the

1 In England, shortly before Leo X.'s Concordat with Francis I.,
the nomination of Bishops had been ceded to the King as a Papal
indulgence. Can it be true that Leo's successor, Adrian VI., ceded
to Charles V. and the future kings of Spain the nomination of
Spanish Bishops, as a proof of gratitude to his royal pupil for
many benefits conferred on the Papal See ? Is it possible that the
Church's liberty could have been thus used in payment for personal
obligations ? Such liberality would indeed be deplorable !

2 One cannot but smile at the words used by Natalis Alexander
with respect to the elections : " Jus plebis inReges Christianissimos
JEcdesioe Gallicance libertatibus et antiquo more ab Ecclesia tacite
saltern approbate transfusum est" (Hist. Eccles. in § i. Dissert, viii. ).

244 Rise of absolute monarchies.

CHAP. iv. unhappy circumstances which made so burdensome
a convention necessary, as a lesser evil ; and the
hard fate which awaited the combined wisdom of
such a Pope and of such a Council who were con-
strained to abandon once more to the lay power a
large share of that precious freedom of elections,
to secure which whole centuries of agitation and
discord in the Church and the world were supposed
to have been worthily employed.

CVI. If, as has been said, the actual power of
the Papacy had reached its climax at the time
when the question of investitures was settled, the
power of temporal princes, on the other hand,
declined from that hour. The nobles, taking
advantage of the strife, had risen against them.
Here and there they shook off all allegiance, and
established in Europe new and smaller princi-
palities. But from the epoch of restored peace,
the Papal power, having attained its climax, de-
clined through those very means which, as human
short-sightedness imagined, were to strengthen it.
These were the reserves and other advantages
which it appropriated, and which brought it a
great deal of wealth. The secular princes profited

Truly it is an odd liberty which subjects God's Church to temporal
princes ! It might well be called the servitude of the Gallican
Church.

Episcopal nomination ceded to them. 245

by a season of repose to repair their losses ; they CHAP. iv.
missed no opportunity of enlarging their power
and authority. At last, in the fifteenth century,
a cruel French prince — Louis XL — utterly un-
restrained by principle, taught all the sovereigns
of Europe how the nobles might be overthrown
by violence, so as to give the monarch absolute
power. This policy was practically adopted by
all the Courts of Europe, though not always with
equal boldness and undisguised tyranny. It was
persevered in until Francis I. and Charles Y. had
completed the foundations of the great work,
which gave a new form and character to European
sovereignties. The Popes of the sixteenth century
had to treat with these monarchs. The result
was that they were forced to give up yet more
of the Church's liberty, namely, Episcopal nomina-
tions, retaining only the right of confirmation.
What was this style of discipline in substance but
a division of the reserves themselves between the
sovereigns and the Pope ? And to this day the
arrangement lasts, constantly widening one of
the sorest and most pitiable wounds of the crucified
Spouse of Christ.

CVJI. Yet all men do not perceive it. They
say that if only the nomination is conceded to the
temporal power, while the Pope retains the right

246 What would Hincmar say now f

CHAP. iv. of confirmation, there is no great interference with
ecclesiastical liberty.

But this reasoning in favour of the existing
discipline would have been treated, in better times,
as a veil thrown over a wound which it does not
heal, nay, without healing it, and if I may say so,
as a mere diplomatic ruse. What was the Church's
mind on this subject before the last period referred
to ? Let us infer from it what the ancient Prelates
would have said, could they have beheld the
nomination of Bishops abandoned to the lay power.

In the ninth century the lay power was
constantly interfering with the elections, and thus
with the Church's liberty. In the following
century this aggression reached its climax. It
was first of all required that no election should
be made until leave had been asked and obtained
of the prince. Diplomatists would say that this
did not hinder a free election. But the Church
of that time held all such pretensions to be
a violation of her liberties. We have seen how
Archbishop Hincmar and others of his period
withstood the imposition of such bonds upon
the Church. They declared that " an obligation
on the part of a diocese to ask leave from a
sovereign to elect a Bishop, was practically the
same thing as constraint to elect whomsoever

Invention of " royal petitions" 247

the sovereign pleased." That was the opinion CHAP. iv.
then held of this aggression. What would those
Prelates have said, if, instead of their asking for
power to elect, the sovereign himself had nomi-
nated as of right the person to be elected ? Would
they not have feared as an inevitable result that
there would be no Bishops save those whom it
pleased the ruling princes to place over the
Churches ; and that the Papal confirmation would
degenerate into a mere form, which would never
be refused so long as the person nominated was
not notoriously guilty of great crimes ? But is
this immunity from flagrant crime sufficient of
itself to insure fit Bishops for our dioceses ? And
if the Church's wishes are not consulted, not even
hearkened to, what ecclesiastical liberty remains
— or, at least, to what purpose ?

CYIII. The lay power made another step in
advance during this century, with respect to its
influence upon these elections, by means of " royal
petitions." What more harmless than a simple
petition ? It constrains no one ; the electors need
not heed it. What said the Church ? The cele-
brated St. Ivo of Chartres, a most ardent advocate
of harmony between Church and State,1 looked

1 It will suffice to read St. Ivo's letter (ccxxxviii.) to Pascal
II. in order to see how ardently he sought peace and concord, and

248 Papal confirmation of slight practical value.

CHAP. iv. upon the royal petition as virtually annulling
ecclesiastical freedom.1 The holiest and most in-
telligent Prelates of the ninth century concurred
with him in protesting against it. But let it be
considered, whether it be worse to express a wish,
as was then done by the prince to the electors,
with respect to some individual ; or at once, and
as of right, to nominate a person to be elected.
If the royal wish was held to interfere with
due Canonical election, what became of such elec-
tions, when the sovereign nominated the Bishop,
and all that was left to the Pope was a possible
refusal of confirmation ? Could the Pope always
and freely withhold this confirmation ? Certainly
not. First of all, he could only refuse it in
event of the nominee being guilty of some
serious crime. This crime must have come to his
ears, and he must be able to prove the fact of
guilt. Nor was this all. The Pope had good

how by every means in his power he strove to keep a good under-
standing between the State and the Church. In that letter the
following words occur : " Novit enim Paternitas vestra, quia, cum
Regnum et Sacerdotium inter se conveniunt, bene regitur mundus,
floret et fructificat Ecclesia. Cum vero inter se discordant, non
solum parvae res non crescunt, sed etiam magnse res miserabiliter
dilabuntur."

1 See Epist. Ixvii., Ixviii., and cxxvi. of this great Bishop. In
Epist. cii. he says, ' ' Non licet regibus, sicut sanxit octava Synodus,
quam Romana Ecelesia commendat et veneratur, dectionibus Episco-
porum se immiscere"

Existing practice compared with ancient. 249

reason to beware, lest by a refusal he should CHAI>. iv.
irritate the sovereign, and involve the Church in
some greater evil. This matter depended on the
prince's individual character, on his religion, and
on the ministers who ruled him. What could be
easier for any prince than to instil such a fear
into the Pope's mind, above all in times of incre-
dulity, lukewarmness, and general hostility to the
Apostolic See ? What, then, remains to us of true
liberty, as distinct from its form, in the election of
Bishops ? What would the ancient Church have
said of such a state of things as our own ?

CIX. Observe, too, that I do not measure these
remnants of the Church's liberty by the maxims
of primitive times, but only by those of the
Bishops of the ninth century. That was an age
of torpor, in which an enervated clergy was
already pretty well inured to the royal yoke. Yet
even then men had not forgotten wherein liberty
consisted. Let us examine the mind of a suc-
ceeding century, when the Church shook off the
yoke, and ecclesiastical liberty was once more
restored by holy and vigorous Popes. Let us
see what such Popes would think of our present
condition, when through the chief part of Catholic
Christendom, all Episcopal appointments proceed
from the sovereign; and whether they would

250 Investiture conceded to Henry V.

CHAP. iv. think appointments so made likely to turn out
well or otherwise. Two facts will suffice. During
Henry Y.'s fierce persecution of Pascal II., what
did he succeed in winning from the Pope, by
dint of imprisonment, ignominy, want, fear of
death, the desolation of Kome and its territories,
violence, robbery, and the general dismay caused
by the invasion of a wild soldiery, incited by the
perjured Emperor himself? The privilege of in-
vesting Bishops with Episcopal revenues by means
of the staff and ring. This was on condition that
they were first elected canonically, freely, without
simony, without " violence."1 There were other
conditions limiting the privilege. And Henry
thought himself victorious when he had won
such a privilege from the oppressed Pontiff. Yet it
gave him no pretence for meddling with either
elections or consecrations. All that he obtained
was the privilege of giving his consent, and of in-
stalling the person elected in his Bishopric. But
what followed ? The whole Church rose against
Pascal. The cry was that he had lessened her
freedom. A schism seemed imminent. This was
merely because he had allowed the monarch to
invest with staff and ring, the symbols of a Bishop's

1 ". . . ut regni tui Episcopis et Abbatibus libere prater vio-
lentiam et simoniam electis investituram virgse et annul! conferas "
(William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum Anglorum, lib. v. p. 660).

Self-condemnation of Pascal. 251

jurisdiction. In vain did the Emperor assert that CHAP. iv.
he intended by this ceremony to claim no more
than the right to invest a new Bishop with his
temporal possessions.1 The Church would not be
satisfied, for in truth the staff and ring meant
more than this. Moreover, investiture involved
the royal assent before the person elected could
enter upon his Episcopate. On all sides, Councils,
Prelates, assemblies of Cardinals protested against
the concession thus extorted from the Pope. Many
threatened to renounce obedience to him in conse-
quence. Nothing but the Pope's courageous hu-
mility could have appeased the commotion. He
confessed that he had exceeded the lines of duty.
He summoned a Council at the Lateran Basilica.
He presented himself before it as a criminal.
He accused himself. He laid down the insignia
of his office. He declared himself ready to resign
the Papacy by way of satisfaction to the Church,
and to submit to the judgment of the assembled
fathers. " This document," he said, " I executed
without the counsel or subscription of my brethren,
under the pressure of urgent necessity, not for my
life, my welfare, or my fame, but by reason of the
necessities of the Church. Under such circum-

1 " Non Ecclesise jura, non officia quselibet, sed regalia sola se
dare assereret" (Henricus). Peter Diaconus, lib. iv. Chronici
Cassinensis, c. xl.

252 The concession annulled by a Lateran Council.

CHAP. iv. stances no conditions or promises are obligatory.
And as I recognize that it was ill advised, so I
confess the act to be wrong, and I desire with
the Divine aid to correct it. The mode of such
correction I refer to the counsel and judgment of
my brethren here assembled, to the end that no
mischief may thereby accrue to the Church, and
no hurt to my soul." The Council having in-
vestigated the matter, gave sentence as follows :
" We, assembled in this Council with our Lord
the Pope, pronounce that this so-called privilege
is null, having been extorted through violence by
King Henry from the Lord Pope Pascal ; and we
condemn it with Canonical censure, and with
ecclesiastical authority, by the judgment of the
Holy Spirit, declaring it void and cancelled ; and
under pain of excommunication we pronounce it
to have no authority or force, more or less."
And the following reason is given for a similar
sentence : " It is condemned, inasmuch as this
privilege implies that whosoever is canonically
elected by the clergy and people, shall not be
consecrated until he be invested by the King;
which is contrary to the Holy Spirit, and the
institutions of the Canons." 1

1 " Et hoc ideo damnatum est, quod in eo Privilegio continetur
quod Electus canonice a Clero et populo, a nemine consecretur nisi

Later concessions exceed Pascal's. 253

Thus the fathers and the whole Church de- CHAP. iv.
cided it to be intolerable that a Bishop, lawfully
elected by the clergy and people, should require
the royal assent or investiture before he could be
consecrated. What would they have said had
Pascal utterly destroyed all free canonical election,
by yielding to the Emperor the yet greater privi-
lege, that only his nominee could be consecrated ?
Would they not have thought the circumstances of

prius a rege investiatur. Quod est contra Spiritum Sanctum et
canonicam institutionem. " There were two flaws in this privilege.
1. The Bishop could not assume the government of his diocese with-
out the royal assent, which might be refused either from caprice or
with intention to damage the Church ; while the Church was hampered
in the exercise of her ministry, which she has received authority
from Jesus Christ to exercise freely throughout the world ; for which
reason Innocent II. decided that the King's dissent should only be
heeded when it was founded on fair reasons, lawfully proved. 2. The
word " investiture " was equivocal ; since to speak of " investing a
Bishop, " appeared to imply conferring on him Episcopal jurisdiction,
which it was heresy and contrary to the Holy Spirit to attribute to
the secular power. To these we might add, 3. That it is injustice
and fraud if the King proposes to invest a Bishop with the free
estates of the Bishopric, as by his royal authority, and not as by
virtue of a privilege granted him by the Church who has power
over her own property. It was fair that the King should by his
own authority invest Bishops with feudal estates, inasmuch as these
always pertain to the prince, the feudatory only holding the usu-
fruct. But in those times the two kinds of property were confused,
and all the Church's estates were treated as feudatory, which came
to pass, not so much from the personal covetousness of rulers, as
from the nature of those governments, under which all property
was not defended alike, but the royal estates were best defended.
From this advantage of feudal estates over others, arose the
"feudioblati."

254 Innocent II. and Louis VII.

CHAP. iv. Pascal's time less deplorable than those of the
sixteenth century, when a Pope was reduced to
thinking it a less evil to the Church of God to
concede the nomination of Bishops to a temporal
prince, than to encounter the consequences of a
refusal ? l I refrain from enlarging on this topic.
But surely it is most suggestive.

CX. We may further conceive what the
Church of the twelfth century would have thought
of royal nominations, from another incident. It
occurred under Innocent II. The Archbishop of
Bourges had died, and Louis VII. left full liberty
to the clergy and people of that Church to elect its
own pastor. He made one condition. They
must not elect Peter de Castra. Peter, he swore,

1 Pascal condemned himself in another Lateran Council,
A.D. 1116. The description he gives of how he was led on to make
the concession is touching, from its humility and dignity. "When
the Lord had worked His will, with His own, and had given me
and the Roman people into the Emperor's hand, I saw daily and with-
out intermission rapine, incendiarism, wars, adulteries. I desired
to put away such miseries from the Church and the people of God,
and that which I did, I did in order to free God's people. I did
it as a man, inasmuch as I am but dust and ashes. I confess that
I did wrong, and do ye all raise your prayers for me to God, that
He would pardon me. As for that unhappy document, which was
made in the tents of the soldiers, and which to its shame contains a
sacrilege, I condemn it with perpetual anathema, so that no one
may be willing to remember it, and I pray ye all that ye do the
like." Then all cried out, "Be it so. Be it so." Such were the
trying circumstances which extorted from Pascal a concession, which
seems to me as a mere trifle compared with the right of royal
nomination conceded four centuries later.

Louis objection to P. de Castra not allowed. 255

should not be a Bishop. Nevertheless, Peter was CUAP. iv.
elected. He was. at Eome. The Pope conse-
crated him without heeding the exception made
by King Louis. The Pope ruled that " there
could be no true liberty in an election where a
prince might make any exceptions that he pleased,
unless he could prove before an ecclesiastical
judge that the person elected was deficient in the
necessary qualifications. In that case the King was
to be heard, like any other of the faithful." * Now
here it was merely a question of allowing the King
to exclude an individual. Yet this was treated
by popes of high authority as a violation of eccle-
siastical liberty. Liberty is a delicate thing, and
will not bear to be trifled with. But what would
Innocent II. have said had the question been, not
whether the King should have power to exclude
one man, in one single case, in one diocese ; but
whether he should permanently appropriate the
nomination of all Bishops throughout his kingdom?
Would he not have thought that the Church's
liberties were indeed hopelessly lost under such
a state of things ? Nor may we say, as the
ignorant and covetous are ever prone to do, that

1 ... "judicante veram non esse electionis libertatem ubi
quis excipitur a Principe, nisi forte docuerit coram ecclesiastico
judice ilium non esse eligendum : tune enim auditur ut alius. "

256 St. Bernard agrees in principle with Innocent

CHAP, iv, the extended views which these popes held concern
ing the liberty of Christ's Church were exag
gerated.1 I would appeal to the holiest and mos
thoughtful men of those ages ; to St. Bernard
whose Catholicity was held up as an example by
Napoleon himself. The wise Abbot of Clairvaux
viewed the subject precisely as did Innocent II
When entreating Innocent for once to indulg<
Louis VII. by consenting to an appointment to
the see of Bourges of some other person than
Peter de Castra, he in no way differed from the
opinions expressed by the Pope. St. Bernarc
was both loyal and frank in the terms of his
letter to Eome ; although he undertook to interced<
for the King. He wrote thus to the Cardinals
" In two matters we make no excuse for th(
King ; for his illicit oath, and for persevering
unjustly in that oath. But this he did not will
ingly, but out of shame. As thou knowest, he

1 Such views have never ceased, and never can cease to exist in
the Church : they are as eternal as truth. It is sufficient proof tha
the Roman Pontiffs in the sixteenth century did not think other
wise than their predecessors, when we find Julius II., the pre-
decessor of Leo X. , appointing Bishops in opposition to the King, as
in the century before, Innocent VIII. had done with respect to the
See of Angers. Without entering upon the question of right am
wrong (which does not at this moment concern us), such a line o
action on the part of the popes proves how clear and unchangeable
were the views which were held concerning the liberty of the
Church.

Condemns, while pleading for, Louis. 257

thinks it ignominious not to maintain his oath CHAP. TV.
before the Franks, although he swore publicly to
what was evil, and every one knows that illegal
oaths are null. We confess that we cannot excuse
him herein, nor do we seek to do so. We only ask
forgiveness for him. Consider whether you can
in any way find excuse for his anger, his youth, his
royal position. You may, if you will, esteem
mercy above judgment. Reflect that he is but
a boy and a King ; forgive him this time, on the
condition that in future he shall not again so
presume. And I would beg you to pardon him if
possible, retaining the while all the Church's liberty,
and all the veneration due to an Archbishop 'con-
secrated by Apostolic hands. This is what the
King himself humbly asks. This is what our
afflicted Church earnestly prays for.".1 Thus St.
Bernard saw no excuse for a King who interfered
so far as to exclude a single man from election.
He held such interference to be a blow to ecclesias-
tical liberty. According to these principles, which
are immutable in the Church, what will become
of royal nominations ? Was the period of their
introduction one of freedom or of slavery ? and
should the sons of the Church rejoice or weep over
them?

1 Ep. ccxix.

258 Freedom of elections lost, A.D. 1516.

CHAP. iv. CXI. To understand the malignant character
of this Wound of the Church, we must bear in mind
that when the system of royal nominations came
in, it involved the abandonment of the Church's
most cherished principles concerning elections.
These principles had guided her for ages. Hither-
to she had jealously guarded them. Let us
examine these principles one by one. They were
lost to the Church, so far as their effect is
concerned, in the year 1516. But they live in
the pious longings of the faithful.

It was an inviolable maxim of the Church that
" the best man attainable should be elected Bishop."
This plain, just principle implies a high idea of
the Episcopate. The Church does not hold that
there is a certain standard of teaching-power,
goodness, and wisdom which will suffice for that
office. She maintains that the highest and best
gifts of any man are insufficient for a charge, which
was said to be a " weighty burden for angel's
shoulders." But if there were none really fitted
for so great a dignity, at least tha Church would
have the best man possible elected to it.1 But the

1 All antiquity sets forth this principle. Let us see how Origen
taught it in the second century. Describing how, under the ancient
law, Aaron was made High Priest, he shows therein the foreshadow-
ing of a due appointment of Bishops under the new Law. " Let us
see how the High Priest was appointed. Moses gathered together

The best man should be the Bishop. 259

Concordat which sanctioned royal nominations was CHAP. iv.
forced to substitute a new maxim for the old one.
The nominee, it ruled, must be " a serious man, a
master in theology or law, and at least twenty-
seven years of age."1 We hear no more about
the best man ; only about one sufficiently good.
Certainly the prince who takes upon himself the
nomination, is not released from an obligation to
choose the best. But what guarantee has the
Church that he will do so ? The Church can only

the Synagogue, read the sacred text, and said, 'This hath the
Lord commanded.' Ye see that although the Lord Himself had
commanded the institution of the High Priest, and elected him,
yet he convened the Synagogue likewise. And thus in the ordi-
nation of any priest, the presence of the people is required, in
order that all may know and testify that he who is elected is
the most excellent, the most learned, the. holiest, and the most eminent
for virtue among all the people; — ut sciant omnes et certi sint
quia qui prsestantior est ex omni populo, qui doctior, qui sanctior,
qui in omni virtute eminentior, ille eligatur ad sacerdotium "
(Horn. vi. in Levit. § 3). This has been the unbroken tradi-
tion of the Church. In the ninth century the Visitor, that
is, the Bishop sent by the Metropolitan and by the prince to
preside over an election, was wont to address the electors as follows :
"We bid you by the royal command, and by that faith ye have
sworn to preserve towards God, and our Lord the Emperor Louis,
to the end that ye fall not under the heavy sentence of condemna-
tion, and that terrible anathema which calls us all before the
tribunal of the Judge, that ye hide not from us which among this
congregation ye know to be the best, the most learned, and the most
remarkable for a pure life." " Ut eum quern meliorem et doctiorem
et bonis moribus ornatiorem in ista Congregatione conversari
noveritis, nolis eum non celare dignemini."
1 These are the words of the Concordat.

260 Lower standard of Royal nominations.

CHAP. iv. reject the royal nominee, in case he be not " a
serious man, a master in theology, and of the
requisite age." What guarantee has the diocese
to which he is appointed ? When he was elected
by the diocese, it could take its own precautions.
When the provincial Bishops or the Pope ap-
pointed, it was in order that the Catholic Church
might make the choice. She knew who would
meet her wants. If a wrong choice was made,
she only injured herself. No one else wronged
her. But when a nominee is thrust upon ber, she
is obliged to accept him, provided that he is equal
to the office. And what is the " seriousness " or
the degree in theology worth ? or the twenty-seven
years? Even supposing an examination before con-
firmation by the Holy See, what guarantee does
that afford -to the diocese? It guarantees that the
new Bishop is a serious man, and a graduate. But
is that enough for the diocese ? Will any " serious
graduate " supply all that is wanted ? What
latitude the words suggest ! How many shades of
" seriousness " there are ! what differences in doc-
trine among men who have taken their degree !
Can we stop short at such words ? or must we not
also look at the facts ? Do we trust our Univer-
sities, or does the doctrine they teach come down
straight from heaven ? Is it the wisdom of

The Bishop should be valued by his flock. 261

Solomon, altogether good and sure ? Are we CHAP, iv;
not, in short, reduced to accepting Bishops whose
merits are negative, men to whom no serious public
blame is attached ? The inspection of the Holy
See can go no further. If it could and would, the
struggles with royalty would be incessant. Thus
a Bishop is at last elected, not because he unites
in himself the largest share of deserts, but because
there is no crime, or, more accurately, no proved
accusation laid against him. But is such negative
goodness sufficient to make a good Christian, not
to speak of a good Bishop ?

CXII. Another of the Church's inviolable
maxims was that the Bishop to be elected should
be " a priest, known, loved, and desired by all
those whom he was to rule ; " x that is to say, by
the clergy and people of his future diocese. Thus
a man might possess very great merit, and yet not
satisfy the ancient requirements of the Church
for the Bishop of a diocese- He might be un-
known to the diocese. He might not suit the

1 See above. A Bishop not known to his diocese was held to
be illegitimate, and an intruder. In a letter of Julius I. to the
Orientals (ad Antiochenos, apud Athan. Apol. 2), he says that
Gregory, who had been placed in the see of Alexandria, was an
intruder, "quia nee multis notus, nee a presbyteris, nee ab
Episcopis, nee a populo postulatus fuerat." And St. Celestine I. :
"Nullus invitis detur Episcopus " (Ep. iv. § 5). St. Leo: "Qui
praefuturus est omnibus, ab omnibus eligatur " (Ep. x.).

262 The Bishop not to be a stranger.

CHAP. iv. Specia] needs of his intended flock. He might be
unacceptable to them. Churches, like individuals,
have more confidence in one minister of the altar
than in another. The wish to have as father and
Pastor a man in whom most confidence is placet
is itself good and just. It ought to be satisfied
But if the prince nominates the Bishop, this wish
will seldom be gratified, and the wise and chari-
table maxim of the Church is thus set aside.

CXIII. A third invariable principle in the
Church was that " the Bishop to be elected shoulc
be a priest long known to the clergy of his
future diocese, and not a stranger from a distam
country." He must have lived, and so to say
grown old in the diocese. He must know the cir
cumstances and the people ; their wants, and how
best to meet them. He must be known and valuec
for his long services : if he is already a father to
the people, and a brother to the clergy, all will be
attached to him, and ready to respect him. Bu
this plain, evangelical principle is inevitably dis
regarded by royal nominations. It is a natura
result. A monarch cannot, will not, or, at al

1 All antiquity solemnly affirmed this : " Ex presbyteris ejusdem
ecclesice, vel ex diaconis optimus eligatur" (St. Leo, ep. xiv. § 6)
And Innocent I. , in his Epistle to the Synod of Toledo (Ep. iii
cp. 2), condemns the affair of Rufinus, ' ' qui contra populi volunta
tern et discipline rationem Episcopiun locis abditis ordinaverat. "

Will kings observe primitive maxims ? 263

events, does not give heed to such details. He CHAP. iv.
sends the men whom he desires to promote from
any place whatever; possibly not merely from
without the diocese, but from without the province,
or even natives of a foreign country. Here is a
stranger, who perhaps speaks a different language,
perhaps offends national prejudices. His only
reputation is that he is a royal favourite, an able
man, and a courtier. How can he become the
confidant, the friend, the father of his people ?
How can such a father preserve or promote the
regenerate life of his flock ? I do not say that
a saintly flock might not prosper under such a
Bishop. Perhaps if the flock consists of saints,
the Bishop is not wanted ! But we are talking of
Christian people as they really are. And to lead
men to live up to the Gospel precepts another
class of Bishops is required. The system under
discussion is well fitted to un-Christianize the
world ; and when that is once accomplished, how
long will princes be able to govern it ?

CXIV. It may be said that a good sovereign
could of his own will maintain these principles of
antiquity, which can never be renounced by the
Church. Certainly. But to that end, it should
be inserted in the compact that all princes are to
be born good ! Suppose, however, that the sove-

264 Every corporation best knows its own needs.

CHAP. iv. reign is good. Can it be expected that a layman,
immersed in the cares and pleasures of temporal
government and of Court life, will be a pro-
found theologian ? Will he be familiar with the
principles of ecclesiastical discipline, or appreciate
their full importance ? Will he be kindled with
such an Apostolic zeal as to prefer these principles
to all self-interest, to maintain them against the
seductions of flattery, the evil passions, and the
intrigues of those around him, on whose counsels
he depends? Surely it is too. much to expect of
mortal man !

But even taking so improbable a state of
things for granted, it would not suffice. The
prince must not only know, and seek to uphold the
unalterable principles of the Church's discipline.
He must be able to uphold them. But to this end,
he must personally know each individual Church
as well as it knows itself, and having identified
himself with the Universal Church, he ought to
identify himself with each single Church. Who
does not feel that this is impossible ? But, in
truth, one consideration, confirmed by general ex-
perience, and resulting from the nature of things
and of mankind, settles the question. " Generally
speaking, every person or corporation is the sole
true judge of its own necessities." It sees things

The Church cares chiefly for souls. 265

with the keen and watchful eyes of self-interest. CHAP. iv.
There may be exceptions. But this is in the main
a governing" law of corporations and associations.
Especially is it applicable to the Church, whose
interest is spiritual and moral, and for that reason
straightforward, simple, consistent, clear as day-
light. Hence it follows, that if the Pastors of
Churches are appointed by others, they will never
be chosen with the faultless judgment which the
Church would exert on her own behalf, and which
was exercised in her behalf for so many ages. Thus,
if a good Prince nominates, the Church's rights are
still damaged, for who can deny the claim of the
faithful to have the best possible Pastor ?

The Church has one interest in electing her
Pastors ; she is concerned for souls. A prince has
many interests. Is it likely that amid all his own
interests, and all those of his adherents, he should
think of nothing save the Church's interests in the
nomination of Bishops ? Is it possible that the
study of her welfare should be ever uppermost in
his mind, overruling all other considerations ?
Such a sovereign would indeed be a hero or
an apostle. A. sovereign should be content if a
Bishop be a consistently faithful subject ; and this
every holy man, whose heart is full of the spirit
of the Gospel and the Church, must inevitably be.

266 Kings expect political service from Bishops.

CHAP. iv. But a sovereign should exact ng more. He should
not require a Bishop to be his secret agent, or,
if I may venture to say it, a police officer. This
destroys the Episcopal character. It violates the
fundamental principles of the Episcopate. ' ' No man
that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs
of this life," is a maxim so delicate that even a
thought might violate it. There is a wide dif-
ference between the evangelical loyalty which
springs from conscientious motives, and which is
founded on justice and uprightness, and a poli-
tical fidelity dictated by human interests, and
founded on utilitarian motives without regard to
justice. A Bishop is a man of justice. He ought
to be such of his free will. A Christian prince
should not build any political or worldly specula-
tions on a Bishop's sacred character. But speaking
frankly, and of the generality, what is the chief
guide of princes save policy ? Indeed in all things,
Eeligion excepted, it must necessarily be so.
How, then, can such a matter as the nomination oi
Bishops, in which policy should have no part, but
which should be altogether regulated by pure and
spiritual motives, be safely entrusted to a man
whose position, education, habits and precedents
all forceshim to act from a political point of view ?
Can we rest in full assurance that the interests

Why are kings eager to nominate Bishops ? 267

of religion will be considered before those of CHAP. tv.
policy ? And what is policy ? Is it not ever on
the watch to turn everything to its own advantage,
and to appropriate for that object whatever it can
lay hands on ? What, then, will a Bishop be
who is appointed for political reasons ? Surely
the Church does not need that her sons should be
the offspring of political astuteness.

CXY. There was a time when the Church
waged unsparing war against simony. It was held
to be the most disgraceful and fatal of vices. But
is secret simony not simony ? Is simony less vile
and lamentable because it is disguised under a
political veil ? Is a painless gangrene less fatal
than a wound which causes the patient acute dis-
tress ? And what but simony is the pursuit of
secular ends when making Episcopal nominations ?
what else are the adroit means used to obtain
vacant sees from princes ? A refined, decent, nay
modest simony it may be ; not barefaced or exter-
nally offensive. But none the less there is the
gangrene. Nothing but the knife can remove it.

Why is a sovereign so eager to appropriate
the nomination of Bishops ? Is it solely with a
view to the Church's welfare ? If so, he would
assuredly let her choose her own Bishops. He
cannot pretend to choose better than she could.

268 A simoniacal understanding possible

CHAP. iv. Is it that the Bishops may be his faithful subjects,
according to the precepts of the Gospel, and the
spirit of the Church ? If so, for that very reason
he should let the Church choose them. The more
worthy a man is to be a Bishop, the more holy, the
more Apostolic he will be, and consequently the
more loyal, with true Christian loyalty. But
remember, I say loyal, even at the cost of life. I
do not say he will be a flatterer, a courtier, a party
man. I do not say that he will be the servile
minister of the royal or the ruling will, which it
is his duty to enlighten and guide by the Gospel
Law, of which he is the interpreter.1 If, then, these

1 Well were it, if all, princes and subjects alike, knew wherein
lies true fidelity! It does not consist in unworthy actions, in
bargaining with conscience. It always goes hand in hand with
justice and sincerity. Thus I offer this very work as a proof, not only
of my faithful attachment to the Church, but also of my fidelity to
my sovereign. May it be received as it is meant ! May the purest
intentions not be perverted and calumniously interpreted ! The
conception of evangelical fidelity, of which I spe_ak, is continually
found in ecclesiastical tradition. I will quote one instance which
has reference to our special subject, the election of Bishops. In
the eleventh century the King of France imposed an ignorant and
unworthy Bishop upon the Church of Chartres. The canons of
that Church sought to persuade the Archbishop of Tours and the
Bishops of Orleans and Beauvais to apply to the King, with the
object of inducing him to remedy the damage done to ecclesiastical
discipline. They added these words : " Neither be ye slow to do
this, out of respect due to the King, as though not to do it proved
your fidelity towards him. For ye will be really most faithful to
him, if ye correct those matters in his kingdom which need cor-
section, and if ye lead him to will their correction " (See Fulbert,
Bishop of Chartres, ep. 132).

if Bishops are nominated for State reasons. 269

are not the reasons which make a sovereign so CHAP. iv.
desirous of retaining Episcopal nominations, it is
evident that he seeks in them a support which is
not moral, but material, as being by its very nature
political ; not of God, but of man. He does not
seek it only for the purposes of justice. And is
not this simony ? and, therefore, is not simony
at the root of royal nominations ? Is not
the Church's character thereby changed, and the
Episcopal office degraded and injured ? Indeed,
if the sovereign honestly aimed at nothing but
the spiritual good of the Church, and found
himself in a position to nominate Bishops, he
would not trust either himself or his ministers ;
he would rather take the Church herself as his
counsellor, and would give faithful heed to her
judgments.1

1 One chief reason why the Church never liked sovereigns to
dispose of Bishoprics, was that she foresaw simony to be, in such a
case, inevitable. In the Council of Rheims, when it was a question
of peace between the Church and Henry, Calixtus II. declared
that nothing should be left undone to banish simony from the
Church, "quae maxime," he said, "per investituras contra Ecclesiam
Dei innovata erat." Pope Pascal had already affirmed that the root
of simony was to be found in lay influence over Episcopal appoint-
ments. And in the Lateran Council, A.D. 1102, he renewed the
prohibition against receiving at the hands of the laity either
Church appointments or ecclesiastical property. " Hoc est enim,"
he saj^s, "simoniaca pravitatis radix, dum ad percipiendos honores
Ecclesiae, ssecularibus personis insipienter homines placere desi-
derant." This is self-evident. The best Prelates of the Church

2 7O What a prince would do, if well advised.

CHAP. iv. OXYI. But further, I maintain that it is the
true temporal interest of a prince to leave the
Church free to choose her own Pastors. This
may at first seem a paradox. Ordinary politicians
have treated it as being one. But considering
the question from a higher point cf view, and
taking a wide and deep view of a prince's
interests, we shall see the practical truth of this
fair principle, " That which is just and conform-
able to the spirit of the Christian Religion, is also
generally most useful to a Christian prince."
say generally, supposing it to be accepted as a
State maxim. Let us apply this principle to the
subject before us.

A Bishop who is not appointed by the sove-
reign will be a mediator between prince and
people. A monarch can entirely trust him. For
the Catholic Church has always inculcated the

have never ceased to deplore it. St. Anselm of Lucca calls all
such dependence on the royal will the seed of simony. He
doubts if the Christian religion can long endure under such a
system. "Quis enim non advertat," he says, "hanc pestem semi-
narium esse simoniacae hsereseos, et totius Christianas religionia
lamentabilem de struct ivnem. Nempe cum dignitas Episcopalis a
principe adipisci posse speratur, contemptis suis Episcopis et clericis,
Ecclesia Pei deseritur," etc. (Lib. ii.). They sought not only
to extirpate simony from the Church, but its every root and seed ;
and are these to be left unheeded because they are out of sight ?
A corrupt jurisprudence would lead us to such an absurd conclusion.
But so false a theory cannot last, because the Church of Christ
will endure while the world exists.

What kind of Bishops can best support him. 2 7 1

doctrine that " subjects may not rebel against CHAP. iv.
their sovereign for any cause whatsoever." Thus
the more he is endowed with the ecclesiastical
spirit, the more entirely he is the Church's chosen
servant, the more earnest will a Pastor be in
teaching submission, obedience, endurance, even
under the greatest oppression. The people will
hang on the lips of one who inculcates gentle-
ness and who sets an example of it. They will
deem him an impartial man, a priest of Christ
owning no law save the Gospel. But in Bishops
appointed by the sovereign, the people see only
so many State officers, who practically have the
same interests as their princes. How will their
words be received ? They will be without moral
weight. Thus the influence of religion, which
should be so great, is rendered useless to a sove-
reign, inasmuch as no partisan can be a mediator.
A sovereign may derive political support from the
clergy, when they have become a section of the
nobility, and hold large possessions, and thus have
numerous adherents. But the unconquerable
moral force which is peculiar to the Church and
the Gospel ; the power of righteousness in the
human heart, which God gives, and which subdues
the world, is not found in countries where the
Bishops are appointed by the secular power.

272 The Church in the French Revolution.

CHAP. iv. Where sovereigns have grasped too much, they
have lost more than they have gained. More-
over the result is hurtful to religion. Religion
becomes odious to the people when she shares in
the hatred stirred up against princes by political
factions. So far is she from being able to support
the throne that she can scarce hold her own ground.
We have seen this come to pass in our own
times in France. The French clergy could not
rein in the frenzy of the rebellion of which,
together with the King, it became the victim,
precisely because it was identified with the royal
policy, and was chosen by the sovereign him-
self. Truly it is a terrible lesson to us! The
clergy who fell honourably beneath the guillotine
were learned, pious, even heroic. Yet they had
no weight with a nation which was not dead
to the voice of Christianity, or to the generosity
of virtue. The noblest endowments availed no-
thing. Gallicanism * was the ruin of the French
clergy. It taught a State religion. Its original
sin was that it was the sovereign's creation.
That was enough to make it a mark for all the
opprobrium and bitterness which was showered

1 [This is surely inaccurate. The essential features of Galli-
canism are independent of the question of the election of Bishops,
and the French clergy " fell " because it had been enervated by
wealth and to a certain extent, by worldliness. — ED.]

Political vahie of good Bishops. 273

upon it. But that hatred was not hatred of the CHAP. iv.
clergy. It was hatred of the King. It perse-
cuted him as identified with the clergy, and so
it persecuted religion itself.

CXYII. Again, it is easy to see that a
conqueror or a usurping adventurer would find
it useful to have Bishops who prefer temporal
possessions to religion, and who are ready to
sell their souls to him. But surely a Christian
prince, recognized as legitimate, cannot ask for
more than to be surrounded by disinterested men,
who will speak the truth, even at the risk
of his displeasure ? Now I maintain that no
greater service can be rendered to a Christian
Prince than that of teaching him a true concep-
tion of justice and the real advantages of the
Christian religion. There is no surer way of
filling the Church's high places with such men,
than by leaving their selection to the Church her-
self. She is guided by the Holy Spirit. Where-
as no one assumes that the temporal government
can know and have the Spirit of God better
than the clergy and the Church. Thus it
seems to me, that if a sovereign desires to
have Bishops who are heartily loyal, and free
teachers of truth, and yet seeks to appoint them
himself, he should do it secretly. He should let

T

274 True interests of Governments.

CHAP. iv. no one know that the choice is his. Let it
once be known, and he will be deceived.
But who appreciates the modest, yet straight-
forward freedom of the Gospel, which essentially
belongs to the Episcopal character ? What sove-
reign, what policy is clearsighted enough to per-
ceive that this evangelical liberty on the part of
Bishops would save the State from excesses, would
keep it back from the edge of the abyss towards
which the passions or the heedlessness of rulers
often drive it ? How many revolutions, and
what anarchy would have been averted, if this
precious liberty, a balm which, wherever it exists,
can preserve Christian states from corruption, had
been appreciated as it deserves ? But rulers, far
from understanding the benefit which would accrue
from such a check, so important to their safety,
upon their injustice and passions, are swayed by
worldly prudence. They obey nothing but a blind
and unlimited desire for power ; they deem any
limit to it a hindrance to their policy. As if a
government which has set aside every restraint,
however lawful, and has thus come to be free to
do whatsoever it will, just or unjust, could last !
As if it was not sure to find its own destruction
in the limitlessness of its power ! No monarch,
if really absolute, could retain his throne for many

Gregory a tme friend to Henry IV. 275

days. The checks upon his will which he might CHAP, iv,
seek to destroy in the sphere of right would reap-
pear aggravated and enhanced in the province
of fact. It has been justly observed that,
" when princes seek to shake off all subjection to
the Church, they find themselves mere slaves to
the people." This saying illustrates the political
events of our own day. In spite of the mists
raised by men who are at once the flatterers
and the hidden enemies of royalty, and of the
systematic prejudice of modern historians who
have treated of the eleventh century, I wish here
to make one reflection, and I appeal to all dispas-
sionate and far-seeing men whether it be not just.
The reflection is as follows : — Were not the free
clergy, as represented by Gregory VII., of more
advantage even in temporal things to Henry IY.,
although in seeming opposition to him, than his
own clergy, who obeyed and fawned on him, and
were the real causes of his downfall ? Strange
as the assertion may seem, it is easily proved. It
is enough to recall the proceedings of the German
barons. Indignant at the Emperor's irregularities
and at his tyranny, the Saxon and German nobles
rebelled against him. Complaining bitterly of
the Pope's moderation and delay, they threatened
to elect by themselves another Emperor, without

276 Henry ruined by his servile clergy.

CHAP. iv. awaiting his judgment. The Pope, on the con
trary, held back. He sought to arrange matters.
He acted as a true mediator between the sovereign
and his nobles. He hoped that Henry would
return to a better mind. In that case the Pope
was ready to support him. But the German lords,
impatient of further delay, made their choice
without the Pope's consent. He still strove for
conciliation. They elected Rudolph of Suabia,
thus making the confusion hopeless, and wholly
ruining Henry. But if Henry had held stead-
fastly to the Pope, he would have been one
of the greatest of sovereigns. All dissensions
would have been adjusted by the help of the free
clergy, whose very independence enabled them to
conduct such a mediation. Who, then, deprived
Henry of this advantage, leading him on to his
melancholy end, as a dethroned, poverty-stricken
wanderer ? Surely those very servile clergy to
whom he had sold their Bishoprics. They blindly
counselled him, not to maintain a rightful au-
thority, but to claim obstinately an unbounded
power ; a vain assertion of power to work his
will for good or evil without restraint ; or, more
truly, to work evil, since no one denied his right
to do good. This servile clergy was the means
of Henry's destruction. A clergy loyal to him,

Bishops degraded, when used for political ends. 277

not from policy, but on true Christian principles, CHAP. iv.
would have saved him.1

CXVIII. Now this attempt to find in the
Episcopate a support per fas et nefas — a means,
not of making due authority more esteemed by
the people, but of enslaving the people to any
authority, — this principle to which the secular
power clings so closely, tends inevitably to the
nomination of Bishops who are real enemies to
the Church. Such men keep up an externally

1 The truth of these conjectures is borne out by what occurred
with respect to Henry IV. of France. The Pope had no personal
hostility towards him, no political aspirations in the matter ; he
only desired that France might have a Catholic King. But the
Catholic confederates in France did not share his views. In a
letter addressed to the Pope's legate Gaetano, they urged the Pope
to nominate another King for France, and the Sorbonne was of the
same mind. " Sorbona, hujus sententise est, urgetque Pontificem ut
ipse regem Gallise pronuntiet, declaretque ; alioquin Gallia concla-
mata est, expersque remedii, et esse hanc potestatem Pontifici
regem declarandi, rationibus plane evidentibus, multisque exemplis
ostendunt. Immo adjungunt, ubi Pontifex regem pronuntiaverit,
isque in Gallia denuntiatus fuerit, continuo a clero et ab omnibus
catholicis receptum iri " (Sub an. 1592, die 16 April). But what
did the Pope do ? He did not become a partisan of either side ; he
held the dignified place of mediator, and finally his mediation bene-
fited Henry, who forsook his heresy, was reconciled to the Church,
and thereupon was recognized as King of France by the Pope and
by all France. But had he persisted in heresy, in spite of all his
personal courage he would doubtless have been overthrown. A
clergy who urged him on against the Pope and the Church, would have
been a worse enemy than the Pope ; the Pope's remonstrances helped
him to regain the Church's favour and the affection of his subjects.
It is thus that a free Church holds princes in or restores them to
their true interests, and promotes even their temporal advantage.

278 Faithful Bishops often unwelcome to politicians.

CHAP. iv. venerable appearance which is indispensable in
our day. But instead of being the free ministers
of God, they are no more than royal ministers
clothed in Episcopal vestments. The fidelity re-
quired of them having its source in earthly
motives, they must be men who appreciate earthly
aggrandizement. It is necessary carefully tc
avoid the choice of men who look for a higher
prosperity, and who esteem the riches and digni-
ties which they receive from the prince as ar
added weight which they accept without exulta-
tion, but with resignation and for the love of God.1
Such evangelical men, whom the " truth hag
made free," are feared by worldly politicians as
hindrances to their shallow enterprises. Conse-
quently now, in contrast with primitive times, the
Church rarely sees such men filling her Episcopal
sees. The world lacks honest preachers of the
Gospel. God's eternal Justice lacks teachers and
priests. Sovereigns lack faithful friends and
counsellors.

The very fact that a Bishop should be capable
of rendering loyal service to his prince by fully

1 Cardinal Godfrey, Abbot of Vendome, writing to Calixtus II.
on Investitures, says, "Ex jure autem humano tantum illis de-
bemus (to temporal princes), quantum possessionem diligimus, quibus
ab ipsis vel a parentibus suis Ecclesia ditata et investita dig-
noscitur" (Opusc. iv.).

How Government officials are selected. 279

setting forth the truth, proves what I said before, CHAP. iv.
that ordinary minds are unequal to the Epis-
copal office. It requires the greatest courage and
discretion. He Who said, " The Good Shepherd
giveth His life for the sheep," * required no
common generosity of spirit in His Bishops.
These words are not counsels of perfection, but
rules of duty. A man who is worthy enough
in ordinary life, might when raised to an Epis-
copal Throne be no better than a " wolf," or a
" dumb dog ; " as Scripture styles those Pastors
who can neither die for their flocks nor warn
them of their danger. But what monarch makes
it a point of conscience to appoint no Bishops
save men of such vigour and earnestness as to
be ready to die rather than keep back the truth
when it should be spoken ?

CXIX. There are yet further objections to
royal nominations. Looking upon Bishops as so
many political officers, sovereigns and their minis-
ters select them on the principles which are fol-
lowed in other departments of government ; and
naturally require in them the same political
views as their own. Consequently Bishops can-
not confine themselves to the study of eternal
truth and justice. They cannot avoid taking a
1 St. John x. 11.

280 Extreme case of a foolish or wicked king.

CHAP. iv. part in politics. They cannot be content with pro-
moting peace and love among mankind through
the Gospel precepts. It follows inevitably that as
the heads of Cabinets change, and with them the
character of political government, Episcopal ap-
pointments will correspondingly vary. To-day
a certain class of men will be selected, to-morrow
another ; instead of, as might be desired, always
disinterested men, free from party spirit. Thus
private interests and passions are considered anc
provided for, rather than the spiritual welfare o1
the people, and the preservation of the Church
of our Lord Jesus Christ.

CXX. I will not attempt to follow out all thai
might occur to damage both Church and State
from the nomination of Bishops in the unhappy
case of a foolish or wicked King, an enemy o:
the Church, or surrounded by ministers of that
character. We know too well what has occurrec
in such circumstances. It is unfortunately too
notorious how easily, not only bad princes, but
even good sovereigns who sincerely desire the
Church's welfare, are deceived by false or plausible
heretics, who always abound in Courts.1 Heresy

1 It was in this manner that Arianism was propagated, as indeec
all heresies are spread abroad through Court favour, and by means
of princes who have yielded to the artifice of heretics. How man]
heretical Bishops have been forced upon the Church by the secular

How good princes appoint bad Bishops. 281

veils itself beneath a show of piety, and lay CHAP. iv.
theology is not always quick to detect the fraud.
Ambition and self-indulgence are fostered by
smooth words ; fraud and hypocrisy cost nothing.
Thus really good princes have appointed decided
heretics who feigned to hold Catholic truth, until
such time as, having gained strength and poisoned
the country, they have cast aside the mask, when
they no longer cared to wear it. Such things
have but too recently been witnessed by the Church.
But I would speak of a yet more fearful, because
more hidden danger, or rather of an existing evil.
CXXI. At the present time, and for a long
while past, an indefatigable power has been at
work in every corner of the world, with the
object of scattering the poisonous seeds of schism
in the Church of God. There exists a system of
schism, but as yet it is unseen ; it only becomes
visible when it explodes. Meanwhile its agents,

arm ! If the sixteenth century did not see a universal intrusion of
such Prelates as arose in England, Sweden, etc., it was chiefly
because too often the very Episcopate itself was overthrown and set
aside by heresy. The secular power has no means of guarding
against false systems of religion save a close adherence to the leaders
of the Church, and trust in her government ; inasmuch as there is
no other living, supreme, enduring, guiding voice. Do they wait
the Convocation of an (Ecumenical Council ? Is it always possible
to summon this extraordinary tribunal? and meanwhile are they
to let themselves be deceived ? Let them turn to the Gospel, and
read, " On this rock I build My Church ; " and let them believe the
Gospel. [This, of course, begs some important questions. — ED.]

282 How monarchs are led astray.

CHAP. iv. many of whom are men of good faith, whisper
seductive and insidious words into every royal
ear in Europe. They persuade kings that such a
system is a necessary bulwark to their authority
and power. They denounce the Catholic system
as a mere human invention, an evil imagination
of Papal ambition. Who can wonder if monarchs
are led astray ? Can it be expected that they
should have sufficient penetration and disinterested
love of the truth to enable them to judge wisely
between this schismatic system and the Church's
true teaching ? Surely not. Their only way
to discover the truth is to turn a deaf ear to
all private and unauthorized teaching, and to
give heed to the Pastors of the Church, according
to their rank in the hierarchy, resting finally on
Christ's own words, that His Church is founded
on Peter. Those words utterly condemn the
princes who have chosen to follow any other
teacher than the head of the Church.1 But too
often every prince has his own theologians, and
thinks himself justified in the sight of God in
following the counsels of some particular Bishop
of his realm. Such a course must involve him
in a vicious circle. How can he be sure that

1 [The reader will remember that, the writer takes the Roman
Catholic interpretation of St. Matt. xvi. 18 for granted. — ED.]

A Kings wishes reflected in his courtiers. 283

the voice of God is heard through private theo- CHAP. iv.
logians ? or that it is the Church who speaks ?
The Church whom he hears should be free, not
enslaved. She should speak through her regular
hierarchy, not through any one member who sets
himself up in opposition to the rest. Otherwise
there is no opinion, however wild, that may not
be maintained on the authority of individual
theologians, or of Bishops who are the vassals
of their sovereigns. It is not thus that truth is
attained. The sovereign will by this means only
arrive at the reflection of his own wishes, or at
the interests of those whom he consults. But
meanwhile that schismatical system of which I
speak is already too prevalent ; it prevails almost
universally. And nothing more tends to give
it increased extension than the royal nomi-
nation of Bishops. Naturally, princes who are
themselves attached to this false system nomi-
nate Bishops whose opinions are well known to
them. Moreover, since the schism is concealed as
fire beneath cinders, it is evident that not even
the Pope's reserve of confirmation can obviate
this secret mischief to the Church. All declara-
tions and oaths are useless palliatives, powerless
to bind men who are dead to the pleadings of
conscience, since their very profession is deceit and

284 The schismatic Church in France.

CHAP. iv. seduction. Would that these lamentable truths
were not proved by experience ! But when
throughout a kingdom there are only such Bishops
as these to be found, the first trifling occasion will
give rise to schism, and it will speedily assert itself
unchecked. If but a minority of the French
Church proved schismatieal on the occasion of
the Concordat between Napoleon I. and Pius VII.,
it was owing to a happy inconsistency in that sin-
gular clergy. While through national pride they
had founded in Europe the schismatic system
I allude to, they were in practice faithless to their
hollow theory, by reason of their innate piety.
And if that small schismatic Church did not suc-
ceed in disturbing and crushing the whole Church
of France, or even the Universal Church, as might
have happened under different circumstances, it
was solely through the intervention of Divine Pro-
vidence, which permitted that the policy of the great
man who was master of France, ruling all things
with a rod of iron, should attach him to the Church
and the Pope, thereby rendering the schismatic
faction powerless, though none the less arrogant.1

1 Richelieu, whose testimony is unimpeachable, since he was so
undoubted a supporter of an absolute policy, considered Gallicanism
to be a schismatic system. He saw the spirit of schism in the
pretension on the part of an individual Church to decide important
questions which affect the interests of the Church and of all Christian

Abuses of free elections always limited. 285

CXXII. Whatever abuses and irregularities CHAP. iv.
may creep into elections when made by dioceses
or provinces, they will always be only partial.
Their evil consequences will not become national.
They will not be the results of a system, or the
first essays of a malignant attempt to control all
elections and to pervert whole kingdoms. But
once give up nominations to the sovereign, and
what a terrible power for evil is intrusted to the will
of an individual ! Or surrender them to a Cabinet,
and what an alarming power is created outside
the Church ! This power will outlast individual
princes, and will endure as long as Cabinets exist
with their maxims of worldly policy.

Alas, that this schism has already attained so
much strength ! Its foundations have been covertly
laid throughout Europe. Of a truth they are
strangely unlike the stones whereupon the temple
of the Lord is raised !

States — questions which can only be decided by the Pope and by
(Ecumenical Councils. What, then, if the Church of any one nation,
or an individual Bishop, counsellor, or professor of theology pre-
sume not merely to decide such questions, but to decide them
contrary to Councils and Popes and their express decisions : are
not such proceedings schismatical ? Can any Christian prince
conscientiously abide by such individual judgment 1 Can he affect to
have rightly sought after the truth and the doctrine of the Holy
Catholic Church ? Can he in good faith believe that he is only seek-
ing to maintain his own rights, and not to infringe on those of
others ? [These questions may at certain periods of Church history
be answered in more ways than one. — ED.]

286 Protest of two priests in France.

CHAP. iv. Yet men go quietly to sleep while the Catholic
Church is surrounded with these fatal dangers
The worldly wise of our age think that all is
well. Others, yet more prudent, hold that Catho
lies should not venture to protest, that they
should maintain a rigid silence, lest uneasiness
should be created and offence given. All dis
turbance they consider imprudent and rash. Such
prudence fatally undermines the Church ; it works
secretly, and those who denounce its stealthy
actions and disclose its treachery are branded as
agitators and the enemies of society. Meanwhil*
the Church groans, and may but too justly utter
the Prophet's saying that " in peace her bitter-
ness became most bitter." x And if some faini
whisper, breaking this deathlike stillness, is raisec
with a hope of restoring the Church's health
whence comes it ? From among the lowly faithful
or at most from some poor but courageous priest
During the Revolution, when France renounced
Catholicism for a State religion, two poor priests
alone dared to present a petition to their Bishops,
and to lay before them these reflections on nomi-
nations to the Episcopate.

" So long," they said, " as the Chiefs of our
Religion are men chosen by herself, Religion has

1 Tsaiah xxxviii. 37. Vulg.

Protest of two priests in France. 287

nothing to fear. The Churches of the East, of CHAP. iv.
Germany, and of England were not destroyed by
persecution or by starvation. They perished
through the evil intervention of force in the ap-
pointment of their Bishops ; either through a volun-
tary barter of independence on the Bishops' part, or
through their ignorance of the limits within which
free and faithful men are justified in resisting
sacrilegious aggression. And now, 0 ye venerable
remnant of our Episcopacy, your turn is come to
encounter the covert onslaught of men in power.
They have already considered your hairs, blanched
by all that you have suffered ; they have numbered
your years ; they rejoice over your advancing age,
knowing that man's term of life is limited. As
one by one you fail, they will fill up your sees
with such priests as are honoured with their
confidence. These Bishops will decimate your
ranks without seeming to destroy unity. In time
the lingering remains of shame will be cast aside.
Secret ambition will form vile contracts. And
when the last of you shall lie down to rest beneath
the high altar of his Cathedral it will be with
the conviction that his obsequies are the obsequies
of the Church of France."

CXXIII. What, then? will the Church be
forsaken ? Is there no hope that Catholicism will

288 No help save in God.

CHAP. iv. shake off this oppression, and that Episcopa
elections will once more be free, since otherwise the
Church cannot subsist? No, none. All the strength
is on the side of schism. The Church can boas
of nothing but weakness. In the present state of
things, neither Bishops nor Pope can remedy the
evil : there is no human power equal to the emer-
gency. But there is such a thing as persuasion.
And there is the Word of God. This should be
pressed upon the world although rejected by it.
Thus the Lord's ambassadors will at least save
their own souls, which they would imperil by
silence. Nor is this state of things new to the
Church. In other days she has seen no help in
man. In truth, she never did see any. But she
knows that Divine Providence is greater than
man. God wills that all the glory shall be His
alone. He wills that the sole Invisible Head of
the Church, our Lord Jesus Christ, shall be exalted
over all. He will triumph even when His enemies
fondly imagine their victory to be complete, and
when the faithful who trust in Him are bereft
of all succour, save through Him alone. It is
especially in the matter of free elections, without ;
which the Church must perish, that, overruling
all human thoughts, the Almighty Providence of
Him Who has received of the Father " all power |

Bases of a Christian constitution. 289

in heaven and in earth," has ever been con- CHAP. iv.
spicuous.

CXXIV. The Christian people, and Christian
nations, as members of this people, have a consti-
tution by right ; by the right of existing facts ;
and this is truly Divine right. All facts are of
Divine right ; they are of God, Who alone rules all
things. Woe to him who touches this constitution !
Woe to the nation which breaks its laws ! The evil
consequences of doing so will overtake it, and it
will be ceaselessly distracted and torn asunder
until it retraces its steps, and once more restores
the constitution in question. The laws of this con-
stitution are simple, universal, and unchangeable.

The bases are essentially two : 1. A supreme
right; 2. A general fact, which results from par-
ticular facts : namely, that there is, first, a supreme
legislative power, or, if you will, a power which
enunciates the highest laws ; and, next, a power
which sanctions them. And these two powers are
never united in the same person, but always belong
to different persons. Let me explain myself.

In the Christian people is ever heard a voice
announcing the Gospel law, which is perfect
righteousness. This office is committed to the
Church ; and it is the power which makes and
promulgates laws. But what sanction does it get ?

290 Physical force not committed to the Church.

CHAP. iv. I do not mean in the next life, but in this ? The
Church is defenceless so far as material weapons
go, and her essential character is described in the
words with which Christ gave their mission to the
Apostles : " Behold, I send you forth as sheep in
the midst of wolves." 1 It is not in the natural
order of things that temporal authority should be
in the hands of the Church. There is another
power. God has kept law and its sanction apart.
The promulgation of laws He has committed to
His Church, reserving to Himself alone their
temporal sanction ; so that none should glorify
himself, or tyrannize over his fellow-men. For
the Church cannot wield this sanction by reason
of her physical weakness. Still less can the
temporal government wield it, since there is little
cause for men to glory in brute force. Yet God
does not ordinarily give His temporal sanction to
the law of the Church by miracles. He has or-
ganized among His people the sanction of the law
as announced by the Church ; that is to say, He
has so constituted the body of believers as to
make them feel the happy necessity of them-
selves sanctioning the Divine law. Thus the
Power which sanctions that law has given up
its authority to His people. What I am going
1 St. Matt. x. 16.

Three powers in a Christian nation. 291

to say will throw light on this assertion, at which CHAP. iv.
no one ought to take offence.

Among Christian peoples, that is to say, in
every Christian nation, there are always, in fact,
three powers : the supreme or governing power,
the power of the nobles, and the power of the
people. Wherever any one of these three powers
is in fault, it meets with resistance and punishment
from the other two, which join together to defend
justice against the transgressing power. This is
simply an historical fact; I abstain from entering
upon any question of right. In order that each
of the powers may be kept in the subjection which
provides against its offending with impunity, it is
evidently necessary that at all times any two of
the powers should be stronger than the third,
since it is only thus that their alliance on behalf
of justice can afford her a practical sanction. But
such sanction will be efficacious in proportion to
the superior strength of the two allied powers ; and
justice will be defended and assured accordingly.
And forasmuch as the aggression may proceed
from any one of the three powers, the best division
of strength in favour of justice is undoubtedly
that " by which in any case the authority of
justice against the aggressive power shall be most
effective." Hence it follows that the division of

29 2 Conditions most favourable to justice.

CHAP. iv. strength which is most favourable to justice

in a Christian people, is that which establishes a

perfect equilibrium among the three powers, so

that each should possess an equal strength, and in

the event of any transgression the offending party

should meet with an overwhelming opposition, in

the proportion of two to one. But if one power

alone becomes stronger than the two others put

together, the result is a tyranny. And if two powers

combine to maintain injustice, and to oppress the

minority, the result is conspiracy against the State.

But if all the three powers conspire together

against justice, so that while they remain at liberty

the Church become the victim of oppression, then

indeed that nation will assuredly lose catholicity,

and will ere long forsake Christianity itself.

These are the three radical diseases of civil society

in the Christian world. It would be hard to say

what the destiny of a nation thus detached from

the Church, and withdrawn from the rule of truth,

will be. It ceases to belong to the people of God ;

it ranges itself among unbelieving nations. Such,

at least, must be its end. Infidel nations are

subject to their own peculiar ills. But it takes

to itself something more dreadful than do infidel

countries, namely, a law of degradation which will

carry it to incalculable depths, unless intervening

Freedom of elections, how secured. 293

circumstances arise. History contains no example CHAP. iv.
of a nation which has undergone all the changes
to which such a condition condemns it. A point
has always been reached at which the downward
course has been arrested, and the guilty nation
has shrunk back in terror from the abyss before
it, and has once more approached, or re-entered,
the Catholic Church. Setting aside, then, the
case of deadly apostasy, and speaking only of
those other evils to which Christian nations are
liable, tyranny and conspiracy against the State, I
say that any Catholic nation which is labouring
under either, will never regain its tranquillity
until it has cast out the seed of its malady, and
re-established the law of its Divine constitution ;
namely, that two powers shall always be stronger
than the third alone, and ever ready to protect
justice if that third power infringe it.

CXXV. It was this very constitution, peculiar
to Christian States, that Providence employed to
free Episcopal elections, when one of the three
powers strove to usurp them. There was a time
when the nobles obstructed this liberty, straining
every nerve to exercise an arbitrary control over
the elections. Then Divine Providence made use
of the princes and people united, to preserve the
rights of the Church, and to restore the freedom

294 Freedom of elections, how secured.

CHAP. iv. of her elections.1 At another time the aggression
came from the people, and then the Church
found her defenders in the sovereigns and the
nobles.2 Imperishable benefits were rendered to

1 In the eighth century an armed and arrogant nobility invaded
the Bishoprics on feudal grounds. Charlemagne and Pepin defended
the Church, and for this reason Pope Zachary gave to the latter
the privilege " ad personam " of nominating Bishops. The Abbot
Lupo di Ferrara writes : " Pipinus a quo per maximum Carolum et
religiosissimum Lodovicum imperatores duxit rex noster originem,
exposita necessitate hujus regni Zacharise Romano Papse, in
Synodo, cui Martyr Bonifacius interfuit, ejus accepit consensum,
ut acerbitati temporis, industria sibi probatissimorum, decedentibus
Episcopis, mederetur" (Ep. Ixxxi.).

2 There were two periods in which the nobles and the supreme
power attempted to seize upon the elections — in the first by open
assault, in the second by underhand arts ; and thus insensibly they
attained their end. In France the supreme power combined with
the people in opposition to the nobles and to the freedom of the
Church, thus producing a conspiracy against the State. At the
assembly of the Commons, A.D. 1615, the third order was for
Gallicanism, and the Catholic system was defended by the clergy
and the nobles, so that, as Barthol. Grammont, President of the
Parliament of Toulouse, writes (Lib. i. Hist, ad ann. 1615), the
Catholic party said, " Clerum et nobilitatem con venire in eandem
sententiam, nee ideo contrariam opinionem valere quia ita populus
censet : duorum vota et calculos uni prse valere."

In the year 1673 the clergy again set forth the same doctrine, but
A.D. 1682 they contradicted their forefathers. The clergy of royal
nomination under a despotic King like Louis XIV. were altogether
royal ; and then Gallicanism took shape and achieved its triumph.
But in what did this conspiracy on the part of the supreme power
and the people against Church and State, result? In the King's
ruin. The nobles being all but crushed, the King found himself
face to face with the people, whom he had himself excited. Two
opposed powers without a mediator cannot long go on without
strife, and in this case the people dethroned and murdered their
King. What a lesson ! Surely it is a false policy which only seeks

Freedom of elections, how secured. 295

the Church by those pious monarchs, which she CHAP. iv.
will commemorate to the end of time. Finally,
the monarchs themselves became the aggressors
and tyrannized over the elections. Hence the great
struggle which began in the time of Gregory YIL,
when the nobles and people together maintained
the Church's cause against the sovereign's usurp-
ation. When the sovereigns were depressed, the
nobles once more regained power ; and they skil-
fully acquired a hold both over the elections and
the Episcopal sees. They so contrived, that the
people and the greater part of the clergy should
be excluded from any voice in the matter, and that
the elections should depend upon the Cathedral
Chapters, which were filled, with some few
exceptions, with the dregs of the nobility. But
the sovereigns again got the better of a degenerate
nobility, repressing, and at last altogether con-
trolling it. Then, in their turn, the princes
obtained the nomination of Bishops, or at all
events the principal influence in elections. This

to render the supreme power unlimited ! Extremes meet, and
whoso is unduly exalted, will fall the more miserably.

It is a remarkable fact, that Cardinal Richelieu took part with
the Church against Gallicanism, although he it was who paved the
way for its triumph ; for he was the great instrument of the de-
pression of the nobles, and of absolute monarchy. That great man
did not foresee the consequences of what he was doing ; and how
many who think they see, are in truth equally shortsighted !

296 Political importance of a restoration

CHAP. iv. influence was legalized under the form of pro-
tection ; it was employed with caution, and with
attention to outward form and to the gentle
refinements of diplomacy. But meanwhile the
schism becomes daily more irreparable. Who will
save the Church from it ? Who will save the
world ? Who will save the thrones which have
laboured to prepare for themselves the most awful
and strange calamities ? Of which of these three
powers will Divine Providence avail itself to en-
force the law of justice, and to restore to the Church
that complete liberty which no mortal hand may
assail with impunity ? A glance at the world
enables us to answer the question. The awful judg-
ment of Divine Providence is not veiled or doubt-
ful. It has already begun, and resounds in various
quarters of Europe and of the world. England
and Ireland, the United States, and Belgium elect
Bishops freely : and assuredly God will not delay
the restoration of a similar liberty to all Christian
nations; let the monarchs reckon upon that as a'
certainty. The people is the rod which He wields.
Rebellions are execrable, and no one execrates or
condemns them more than the Church. But that
which is not done by the Church or by good men,
will be done by the power of Jesus Christ, Who is
Lord of both kings and people, Who makes all

of full liberty to the Church. 297

things bow before His Will, and Who is ever CHAP. iv.
wont to bring good out of evil. He can use even
the wicked to His own wise ends.1

CXXVI. Yes, I dare to assert boldly, that the
general confusion of Europe is inevitable. One
measure only could avert it ; the restoration to
the Church of her full liberty, with just and re-
spectful treatment. But this measure is precisely
the only one not contemplated, or it is obstinately
rejected. All resources in turn are tried; the force
of arms and the persuasions of diplomacy. But all
such means are only equivalent to the last suc-
cours rendered to a dying man. At best they
only serve to prolong his mortal agony for some
few moments. Is it intelligence that is wanting ?
No. It is faith, it is love of justice that are
wanting. Men do not believe that Providence
has an unchangeable rule in the government of
events : they do not believe that the Church has
a mission which must be fulfilled at any cost ;
they persuade themselves that they can do with-
out her. Thus unbelief overpowers intelligence,
and renders unintelligible the sacred and universal
cry of Christian peoples for Liberty. The peoples

1 [Our author is betrayed into an exaggeration by the strength
of his convictions. Revolutions surely depend on other causes and
have other results than those on which he insists. — ED .]

298 A great need of our time.

CHAP. iv. give a false reason for their rebellions ; they lie
to themselves ; because, although they have a pro-
found instinctive apprehension of the true reason,
they have no power of expressing it. Wouk
that they might learn that Christians, who are
essentially free, cannot obey man, unless in him
they obey God's authority ; cannot obey, save as
they learn from the Church's teaching that G-ospe
law of humility and gentleness, which an enslavec
and despised Church is no longer able to teach
them ! Would that these truths were appreciated
Even yet it might not be too late !

CHAPTER Y.

Of tfje OTountr fa tlje Heft Jfoot of tlje f^olp

fojjfci) is tfie Sberbftu* (or CBnforcelr Unfringenunt of tjje
jfull IKfg&t*1) of <*Bcclesfastical

CXXVII. FROM that which has thus far been set
forth, we see that the fall of heathen Rome,
foretold by Holy Scripture under the name of
Babylon, was, in the course of Divine Providence,
something more than an act of justice avenging
the blood of the Martyrs and extirpating the
last relics of idolatry. It was -further designed
by the Divine Wisdom with which the King of

1 [Ital. Servitu'. Phillimore's International Law, I. 390. "The
doctrine of servitus occupies an important place in the Roman Law ;
and in some shape, and under some application or other, exists of
necessity in the jurisprudence of all nations. This obligation to
service constitutes a right in the obligee, or the person to whom it
is due, and it ranks among the jura in re, while it operates as a
diminution and limitation of the right of the proprietor to the
exclusive and full enjoyment (libertas rei) of his property." In
the following pages the word is translated " servitus," with a
meaning which will have to be borne in mind. — ED.]

300 The Wounds of the Church

CHAP. v. kings governs human events, to secure that, wher
the old and decrepit society had gone to pieces,
new society, the daughter of the Church of th
Incarnate God, should take its place. On he
forehead is traced a sacred and indelible sign t<
make her, like her mother, undying, so tha
together they should continually advance toward
a hitherto unknown civilization. But it wa
fitting that the glory which was thence destinec
to accrue to the Divine element in the Churcl
of Christ should be attempered and almost counter
balanced by the humiliation which was to atten<
on the human element in her. It was thus in
tended that all good in her should be attribute<
to the Lord and His Christ, and not to man
Hence God permitted that the barbarian con
querors whom He used as His instruments for th<
destruction of the Roman Empire, and who were
unconsciously moved to become disciples of the
Church, should introduce Feudalism, which in
course of time extinguished the Church's liberty
This was the source of all her ills. In truth
wealth alone would not have precipitated thi
clergy into the abyss which we have been ex
ploring ; nor would temporal dominions have ha(
so fatal an effect if they had been independent
Indeed God employed temporal sovereignty to

traceable to Feudalism. 301

preserve the freedom of the Apostolic See, so that CHAP. v.
at least the Head of the Church might escape the
universal servitude, and, being free, might in time
set free its members likewise. This great work
Rome must yet achieve.

CXXYIII. Feudalism was in fact the only, or
at all events the principal source of all these evils.
As a system combining profane and barbarous
overlord ship with servitude and vassalage to tem-
poral princes, it, so far as it was overlordship,
divided the clergy from the people (Wound i.).
It split the clergy into two sections, invidiously
styled superior and inferior clergy. It substituted
the estranging relationship of overlord and vassal
for the more binding tie of father and son.
Hence the neglected education of the clergy
(Wound ii.). Hence also the division among the
higher clergy, namely, the Bishops, who forgot
that they were brothers through jealousies, roused
on their own account, or on that of princes
whose vassals they were. Thus each Bishop be-
came separated from the people, and stood apart
from the Episcopate as a whole (Wound iii.).
Moreover, Feudalism, so far as it was vassalage,
by making the Bishops personally subject to their
prince as his liegemen, chained the Church with
all her possessions to the chariot of the lay power

3O2 Corruption caused by feudalized wealth.

CHAP. v. which dragged her over the rocks and precipices
upon which in its irregular and headlong course
it is often broken and ruined. Thus after count-
less degradations and disasters, the Church, de-
prived summarily of her endowments, finds her-
self so exhausted that she can no longer defend
even the right of nominating her own Pastors
(Wound iv.). And, I say, Feudalism enslaved
the Church with all her possessions. For the
barbarian rulers, accustomed to see vassals all
around them, looked at ecclesiastical matters as
at everything else ; while time-serving lawyers
aided to shape what was mere barbarous de-
spotism into a theory of rights. They argued that
" the principal involves the accessory," and they
thence deduced the rule that, as the royal fiefs
were principals, the freeholds of the Church were
also to be considered feudal possessions. Thus feu-
dalism absorbed everything, leaving neither the
persons nor the property of Churchmen free.

CXXIX. I put aside the temporal sovereignty,
which is peculiar to the see of Rome. It could
have no reference to any other sees, at least for
a long time past, and it saves the Papacy from
ignominious servitude. But I affirm that the
clergy are corrupted and debased, not by free
but by " enslaved " property. The servitus of

Legacy of feudalism to our age. 303

ecclesiastical property was the unhappy cause CHAP. v.
which hindered the Church from maintaining her
ancient rules concerning her possessions, and
from regulating, as she would, their acquisition,
their administration, and their disposal. And this
loss of suitable provision for the administration
and use of Church property, in accordance with
the rules of antiquity and in the temper which
befits Churchmen, is precisely the fifth Wound,
which pierces and rends the Body mystical.

CXXX. Feudalism has well-nigh perished,
and will soon altogether vanish before advancing
civilization, as clouds disperse before the sun's
rays. The Church no longer holds any fiefs. But
the legal principles, the customs and the spirit of
Feudalism survive. The policy of governments
draws its life from this source, and modern codes
inherit from the Middle Ages this luckless bequest.
I point out the cause, with a view to studying
the effects.

CXXXI. The Primitive Church was poor, but
she was free. Persecution did not deprive her
of free government, nor did the violent spoiling
of her goods interfere with her true liberty. She
was subject to no vassalage, to no " protection," still
less to " tutelage " or " advocacy," there. Under
these specious and treacherous names the servitus

304 i. All offerings should be voluntary.

CHAP. v. of ecclesiastical property was introduced. From
the time of its introduction the Church could no
longer maintain her ancient rules respecting the
acquisition, the management, and the disposal of
her material property ; and the neglect of rules,
which were a safeguard against the evil and cor-
rupting influence of such possessions, led her into
the greatest dangers. Let us survey the most
important of these rules.

OXXXII. The first rule concerning the acqui-
sition of property was, that all ohlations should
be spontaneous. Christ said to His Apostles,
" Into whatsoever house ye enter, first say,
Peace be to this house . . . And in the same
house remain, eating and drinking such things
as they give, for the labourer is worthy of his
hire." 1 These last words became the rule of the
Apostles, and are continually repeated by St.
Paul.2 By them Christ imposed on the faithful
an obligation to maintain the Gospel labourers,
and on these latter He conferred the right to be
maintained by the faithful. It was really a pre-
cept, but this does not make the act of giving less
spontaneous ; because adhesion to the Gospel, and
incorporation with the Body of believers was to be
spontaneous. Spontaneity of human action does

1 St. Luke x. 5-7. 2 1 Cor. iv. 4, 15 ; 1 Tim. v. 17, 18.

Our Lord. St. Peter. 305

not cease until moral obligation is reinforced by CHAP, v
active coercion. But Christ added no more
stringent sanction than " And whosoever shall not
receive you nor hear your words, when ye depart
out of that house or city, shake off the dust of your
feet."1 The punishment of such offenders is left to
Divine Justice, according to the gentle spirit of the
Heavenly Law-giver, Who nevertheless has pro-
mised that in His own good time He will visit
them.2 The history of Ananias and Sapphira
proves the same thing. " Peter said, . . . Whiles
it remained, was it not thine own ? and after it
was sold, was it not in thine own power ? " 3
And in like manner, the collections which
St. Paul enjoined the Churches of Galatia and
Corinth to make, in order to provide for the needy
Christians of Jerusalem, were to be left to the
discretion and charity of each believer : " Upon
the first day of the week let every one of you lay
!by him in store, as God hath prospered him." 4

CXXXIII. Again, the precept by which
Christ enjoined the faithful to maintain the clergy,
refers only to the necessaries of life. This is
shown by the words, which direct the evan-
gelical labourers to " eat and drink " in " what-

1 St. Matt. x. 14. z Acts v. 3, 4.

2 St. Matt. x. 1.5. 4 1 Cor. xvi. 2.

X

306 St. Paul. Tertullian.

CHAP. v. soever house " they enter. " Edentes et bibentes
quae apud illos sunt." And St, Paul keeps close
to our Lord's language when he writes to the
Corinthians : " Have we not power to eat and
to drink ? " * If the supply of positive necessities
for the primitive clergy was left to the voluntary
exertions of the faithful, how much more would
any offerings that exceeded these limits have beer
matters of free will ?

CXXXIY. Tertullian bears witness that these
spontaneous offerings were continued at the enc
of the second and beginning of the third cen-
turies. In his "Apology " he says, " Each one lay*
by a little money every month, or when he can anc
will, for no one is constrained ; all is given freely
These are as it were the deposits of piety." 2

We find the same maxim more or less set fort!
through all the brightest ages of the Church
She willed and taught not only that the faithfu
should not be constrained to make their obla-
tions, but that they should not be induced to do S(
by any artifices or persuasions. And as late as the
ninth century we find Canons published by th<
third Council of Chalons with a view to pro

1 1 Cor. ix. 4.

2 " Modicam unusquisque stipem menstrua die, vel cum velit
et si modo possit, apponit : nam nemo compellitur, sed spont
confert. Hsec quasi deposita pietatis sunt " (Apol. c. xxxix.).

Tithes neither enjoined nor forbidden by Christ. 307

tecting the gifts offered by the faithful to the CHAP, v,
Church from any such abuse.1

CXXXY. The law of tithes, appointed by
God under the old Levitical covenant, was not
confirmed by Christ under the new Covenant.
The reason I believe to be that the Author of
Grace would not lay any burden upon His people
beyond that which was required by the nature of
things. And as this involved no more than the
maintenance of the clergy by the faithful among
whom they laboured, and as such maintenance
would vary according to circumstances, any fixed
contribution was liable to be at one time excessive,
at another insufficient. But since our Lord
in no way forbade such oblations, leaving them
to the discretion of the faithful, many, especially
those who came from the synagogue, from the
earliest times voluntarily offered tithes according
to the ancient custom.2 And in the sixth century
Justinian, at the instance of some Bishops, strong
adherents of the old rules, forbade the use not only
of force, but of ecclesiastical penalties in recovering
them.3 The Church might easily reduce to a pre-

1 Tommasin, P. iii. L. i. c. xxiii.

2 Irenaeus, lib. iv. c. xiii. ; Origen, Horn, in xi. Num. St. Cyprian,
De Unitate Ecclesise, c. xxvi. "At nunc de patrimonio nee decimas
dam us " seemingly a reproof to those who were less zealous, and did
not pay tithes. 3 L. 39, Cod. De Episcop. et cleric.

308 Ecclesiastical rights — a creation of the Gospel.

CHAP. v. cept what was thus established as a custom. This
she did, first somewhere in the sixth century,1 and
later universally, — whenever she found this pro-
vision for the maintenance of the clergy to he
convenient or necessary. But such offerings only
ceased to be voluntary when the secular authority
enforced them. This came to pass in the seventh
century under the influence of feudalism.2

CXXXYI. And here we must bear in mind,
that the Gospel introduced a new kind of rights
to the world, which we may term ecclesiastical
rights. At first men knew only of the rights
of strict justice, and beneficent actions. The first
might be enforced by outward violence, the second
were altogether free. But the Divine Lawgiver
Who reformed the world, introduced between these
two laws of moral action, a third ; of which the
right which He gave to the ministers of the altar
to live by the altar is an instance. This right
is protected solely by the threat of Divine dis-
pleasure, to which Canonical and spiritual penal-
ties equally correspond. The greatest penalty
which the Church can inflict is that of separating
the disobedient and contumacious from the b6dy of
the faithful, and thus depriving them of the bene-

1 Second Council of Macon, A.D. 585.

2 In Capital. Ann. 779, 798, 801.

Ecclesiastical and natural rights. 309

fits of communion. Such penalties, by means of CHAP. v.
which the Church maintains her rule and her
rights, are altogether strange to a secular govern-
ment. This was taught hy Christ in the words,
" Ye know that the princes of the Gentiles exercise
dominion over them, and they that are great
exercise authority upon them, but it shall not
be so among you." x What happened, then, when
ecclesiastical property fell under the temporal yoke,
thereby ceasing to be free in the Church's hands ?
That which should not have happened. The civil
power endowed it with the sanction of coercion.
The civil power possessed and knew of no other
sanction. Moreover, it believed itself to be thus
doing the clergy a signal benefit : " et qui potes-
tatem habent super eos, benefici vocantur."

CXXXYII. It was undoubtedly just, and in
no way opposed to the spirit of the Gospel, that
such property as the Church had acquired through
free gifts, should be protected, like any other
property, by public authority. For all such dona-
tions carried with them rights according to strict
justice. But the exercise of force in constraining
the faithful to make offerings, such as tithes, first-
fruits, and similar gifts, was contrary to the'
ancient principle. Nor could the originally spon-

1 St. Matt. xx. 25, 26 ; St. Luke xxii. 25, 26.

3 1 o Evil of enforced oblations.

CHAP. v. taneous nature of such gifts be forfeited because
it had become customary to offer them. It is a
mere legal sophism to say that a free giver becomes
a strict debtor, simply because he has continued
his gifts during a long period of time.

CXXXYIII. This first degee of servitus, to
which voluntary oblations were subjected, lessened
goodwill between the faithful who offered them
and the clergy. It abolished the kindly ties of
benefactor and benefited, or more truly of mutual
benefaction, since the one gave temporal, the other
spiritual things, according to the Apostolic precept,
" Si nos vobis spiritualia seminavimus, magnum
est si nos carnalia vestra metamus ? " * For such
primitive and natural relations the chilling and
odious relations of debtor and creditor were sub-
stituted, depriving the gift of all merit and grace,
and the giver of all gratitude ; while the clergy,
being assured of their living, saw no increase or
diminution proportioned to their labours in the
offerings made to them.

CXXXIX. But a yet more fatal step towards
servitus was that which confounded all free
property freely bestowed upon the Church with
fiefs. All was gradually absorbed under the head
of feudal tenure. Thus the idea gained ground

1 ICor. ix. 11.

2. A common administration. 311

that the possessions of the Church were the pro- CHAP, v,
perty of the feudal lord, to whom the Churchmen
owed allegiance. To this day we retain the proof
of this servitus in our language, calling the
Churches " mainmort," which signifies a class of
serfs.1 This evil seed, after having secretly borne
most mischievous fruits among the clergy, led
finally to the modern spoliations of the Church ; as,
for instance, to the solemn decree of November 24,
A.D. 1789, in which the National Assembly of
France pronounced all ecclesiastical estates to be
national property. It was thus that the Revolu-
tion in the name of civilization inherited the spoils
of Feudalism.

CXL. The second maxim which shielded the
Church from the corruption consequent on worldly
possessions was, that " where she had such posses-
sions, they should have a common administration
and be dispensed in common to all." Thus the
primitive Christians laid the price of their houses
and fields which they had sold at the Apostles'
feet, and it was dispensed to the faithful according
to their several needs, " prout cuique opus erat.'

" 2

1 The tenant could not call his land a property, ' ' because the
tenants or serfs of the glebe were styled * mainmort,' inasmuch
as they could hold no personal property " (Cibrario, Dell' economia
del medio evo, L. iii. c. iii.).

2 Acts iv. 35.

312 Property of the Church common

CHAP. v. Surely this community of goods greatly promoted
love and unity, both between believers generally,
and between the clergy and the faithful ! " The
multitude of them that believed were of one heart
and of one soul : neither said any of them that
ought of the things which he possessed was his
own, but they had all things in common."1 The
pleasing spectacle of this fraternal love, hitherto
unknown, led the Hebrew Philo of Alexandria, to
write its eulogy. The saints always considered it
as the best illustration of evangelical love. And
history shows how St. Chrysostom desired to in-
troduce it among his flock at Constantinople ;
while Horace describes a somewhat similar state of
things as the perfection of Rome's happiest times,
when he says that private expenditure was small,
but that of the community large.2

CXLI. This principle was long observed
among the clergy. The Bishops, as successors
of the Apostles, were depositaries of all the
Church's goods. These they distributed, for the
most part, every month ; according to the needs of
their clergy. No one held any personal property.
When, in the year 321, Constantine permitted the
Church to inherit property by testamentary bene-
factions, he worded the permission thus : " Let

1 Acts iv. 32. 2 Carm. ii. 15.

in the fourth and fifth centuries. 3 1 3

each one be free to leave at bis deatb such property CHAP. v.
as he thinks fit to the holy and venerable Council
of the Catholic Church." 1

Later, as we see by a rescript of the fifth
century, attributed to the holy Pope Gelasius, the
Church expressly forbade any separate estate
to be ceded to any individual ecclesiastic, in
order that ecclesiastical property might be better
administered and preserved.2 The same spirit
dictated a law of Yalentinian, forbidding all
legacies or inheritances to individuals among
the secular or regular clergy.3 Of this law the
good men of that period, such as St. Ambrose
or St. Jerome, did not complain. They did
greatly complain of the clergy who to their shame
had caused its enactment. " I do not lament the
law," says Jerome, " but I lament that we deserve
it. The cautery is excellent, but why is there the
wound to need cauterizing ? Let there be an heir,
but let it be the mother of the children, that is,
the Church ; let her who brought forth the flock,

1 Cod. Theod., lib. xvi. De Episcopis, Ecclesiis et clericis,
tit. ii. § 4.

2 Gratianus, Caus. xii., Quaest. ii. c. xxiii. " Nee cuiquam
clerico pro portione sua aliquod solum Ecclesiae putetis esse
deputandum, ne per incuriam et negligentiam minuatur : sed omnis
pensionis summam ex omnibus prsediis rusticis urbanisque collectum
ad Antistitem deferatis."

3 Cod. Theod., lib. xvi. tit. ii. § 20 (ed. Goth. vol. vi. p. 48).

314 Growth of separate benefices.

CHAP. v. who nourished and pastured it, be its heir.' Why
should we interpose between the mother and the
children?"1 Nor would the saint permit indi-
viduals among the clergy or the monks to inter-
vene between the Church as depositary of pious
offerings, and her children, to whom she distri-
buted them as need might require. It is hard to
say to what extent this community of goods,
administered by Episcopal wisdom with the counsel
of the clergy,2 contributed to preserve a whole-
some unity, both among the clergy themselves,
and between the clergy and the people.

CXLII. But as the Gospel spread into villages,
and it became necessary to establish country
churches at a distance from the Cathedrals, a
separate maintenance was required for every such
church.3 This arrangement was at first excep-

1 Ep. ad Nepotianum, § 6. St. Ambrose alludes to this law when
he says, ' ' Quod, ego non ut querar, sed ut sciant quid non querar,
comprehend! ; malo enim nos pecunia minores esse, quam gratia."
He adds, ' ' The Church's possessions belong to the poor. Count
how many captives she has redeemed, how many poor she has fed,
how many exiles she has pensioned " (Ep. Class i. Ep. xvii.).

2 Berardi says, ' ' Etenim ea setate, quotiescumque negotium
ecclesiasticum peragendum erat, Episcopus cleri consilium, con-
vocata synodo, expetebat " k(Gratiani Canones, etc., De Gelasio.,
c. xlvi.).

3 "Postea vero primum factum, ut presbyteris ruralibus, quos
parochos adpellabant, bonorum administrationem concederent,
eorumdemque exemplo presbyteris illis, qui in civitatibus titulos,
sive ecclesias tegere dicebantur. Id etiam totum constat ex

Separatist tendency of feudal tenures. 3 1 5

tional. Temporary incomes were allotted to CHAP. v.
monasteries, to deserving clergy, and to pilgrims,
as Pope Syrnmachus had ordered in the sixth cen-
tury.1 Hence the name " precarii." 2 But the
primitive customs as to the tenure, administra-
tion, and use of ecclesiastical property gradually
died out. The clergy held separate benefices.
As a consequence, the common life among the
clergy gradually disappeared. Its loss was greatly
regretted by the Church, and she repeatedly but
ineffectually strove to restore it, by laws and
canons. But the obstacle to her doing so was
again the barbarous feudal system.

CXLIII. Feudalism involves personal service,
which in itself is unsuited to a clergyman's
character, since he ought to be his own master.
But a vassal's property was further subject to
a special servitus, in consequence of the personal
service required of the usufructuary. This was
another ground of intrinsic opposition to the

Concilio Agathensi, cui praefuit idem Csesarius anno 506, preesertim
vero Can. 32, et 33 (Gratiani Decreti Pars Secunda Caus. xii.,
Quaest. 2, c. 53 and Berardi, ibid.).

1 Gratianus, Decreti Pars Secunda Caus. xvi. , Qusest. i. c. 61.

2 A recent author observes that at first the enjoyment of a
special property was never conceded to individuals, except where
no congregation of priests existed, " as their community life pre-
served the ancient state of things for some time " (Walter, Manual
of Ecclesiastical Law, § 241).

3 1 6 Separatist tendency of feudal tenures.

CHAP. v. spirit of the Church, and of the clerical office.
For the personality of Christ's ministers alto-
gether disappears in the Divine constitution
which He left to His Church. They do not
represent themselves, but the Church. The
whole Church acts by their means, and in all
their ministrations by the Power of her Head.
They, as organs, have no more a distinct per-
sonality than the foot or the hand, or any other
member of the human body. Thus a perfect
, . mystical unity is the very foundation of this
admirable constitution. And just as, if the mem-
bers of the human body sought each to become
independent, the body would lose its proportions
and its beauty, and become a monster, or, more
truly, would cease to exist, so is it with the Church.
But it was precisely this which the feudal system
attempted to effect. Each vassal can represent
only himself and the person whose vassal he is, with
his possessions. Thus this vassalage is a service
rendered to a temporal lord, with an object and
duty essentially temporal and secular. As long
as it was a question of free possessions, they
might be used for spiritual purposes, as, indeed,
had always been the case with the free property
of the Church. It was administered and dis-
pensed both theoretically and practically for

Personal service attached to feudal tenures. 3 1 7

charitable purposes. By it Divine worship was CHAP. v.
maintained and the ministers of the sanctuary
were supported. The hands of the poor, the
the widow, leper, the slave, the pilgrim, and of all
who suffered were the precious caskets wherein
the Church stored her treasures, safe from human
rapacity. In so doing the Mother of the faith-
ful did not go beyond the requirements of the
Church's ministry, which is one of maternal love
and of Christian pity.1 But the vassal, the
servant who is constrained to consider his lord's
service, and to employ his possessions for his
benefit, sets out with an essentially different aim.
His aim is no longer ecclesiastical ; he is no longer
a " good soldier of Jesus Christ ; " he, despite the
Apostolic precept, is " entangled 2 with the affairs
of this life." He is no longer representative only
of the Church ; he is an isolated individual ; he

1 It will be desirable here to call the reader's attention to the
opinion expressed upon this subject by an author of the fifth
century, Julianus Pomerius ; he says, "Nunc autem quod Christian!
temporis sacerdotes magis sustinent quam curant possessiones
Ecclesiae, etiam in hoc, Deo serviunt ; quia si Dei sunt ea quee
conferuntur Ecclesise, Dei opus agit, qui res Deo consecratas, non
alicujus cupiditatis, sed fidelissimse dispensationis intentione non
deserit. Quapropter possessiones quas oblatas a populo suscipiunt
sacerdotes, non sunt inter res mundi deputari credendce, sed Dei "
(De Vita Contemplativa, L. ii. c. xvi. 4).

1 " Thou therefore endure hardness, as a good soldier of Jesus
Christ. No man that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of
this life " (2 Tim. ii. 3, 4).

3 1 8 Feudal origin of " benefices."

CHAP. v. is like any one else ; he is a courtier, who, ever
bearing in mind his lord's honour and interests,
must hold his court, maintain a certain personal
pomp and display, or even put himself at the
head of his soldiers. He must, in short, play the
count or the baron in his own and his lord's
interests ; he cannot be simply the Bishop, seek-
ing only the welfare of the Church, and of his
people, as intimately associated with him.

CXLIY. This unnatural transformation of
Churchmen impressed the mediaeval Bishops with
a sense of their individuality. It weakened their
sense of unity in the body of the Episcopate and of
the clergy. It loosened the bonds which in happier
times rendered the Church so glorious and so
mighty through Christ for good. It divided
dioceses like states and baronies. It divided and
subdivided ecclesiastical possessions ; and these, as
they were united or divided, implied or caused the
moral union or division of their possessors. At
last these possessions were entirely cut up into in-
dividual tenures. Hence the origin of the word
" benefice," which comes from the feudal vocabu-
lary ; the first benefices were lands granted by the
prince to be held by his courtiers and comrades in
guerdon for their services.

CXLV. It is to be observed that when an

Feudalism hostile to church unity. 319

idea or a form impresses itself powerfully on the CHAP, v,
intelligence and imagination of men, it becomes
the norm or model by which are shaped those
thoughts and actions that can take the im-
pression ; while those which cannot, still range
themselves in a subordinate position, and group
around it, as handmaids round their mistress.
Thus in the Church's primitive times, the great
idea of Unity was graven on every Christian
mind ; and the thoughts and words of the faithful
and the clergy, the ecclesiastical arrangements
and the disposition of property, all were influenced
and illuminated by the ruling idea of the Unity
of Christ. But feudalism was based upon an
altogether opposite idea, namely, on the idea of
division, which results from that of individuality,
and on the specific idea of individuality which
results from that of seigniory. And as the feudal
system prevailed in temporal matters, it also
impressed its leading idea on the mind of the
clergy. Hence the woes of the Church.

CXLVI. The barbarians who conquered
Europe had for their leading idea that of force,
violence, personal bravery, dominion. Little by
little the Church instilled her own antagonistic
idea into their rude rninds. Hence arose a struggle
between the two ideas. And just as when two

320 Alternations of the struggle.

CHAP. v. social bodies governed by opposing ideas are
brought face to face, some among them fight
openly, each using their own weapons, while
others seek to conciliate and combine, yet secretly
maintaining a hidden opposition, so was it with
the barbarian rulers. On one hand they op-
pressed the Church, striving to subject her to
their idea of overlordship, which was violent,
selfish, earthly. On the other hand they almost
insensibly received and appropriated the opposite
idea, the ministerial, moral, unitive, spiritual idea
of the Church. Thus their action was twofold
and contradictory ; it combined pious deeds and
benefactions to the Church, with wicked deeds
of despotism most injurious to her, according
as one or the other idea prevailed. The same
thing occurred among the clergy. One section
subdued and taught these wild men by the
Gospel message, instilling into their minds the
unifying idea of charity ; while another section
suffered in the struggle and received into itself
the opposite idea. So that in the action of the
clergy saintly and heroic examples and efforts to
maintain the unity of Christ are found in a like
contradiction side by side with profcnity and ir-
regularity, unworthy complaisance, and selfish
tendencies, destructive of unity and all Christian

Ultimate victory of religion. 3 2 1

and ecclesiastical communion. The struggle be- CHAP. v.
tween two ideas and the contradictory action that
ensued, both in temporal and ecclesiastical matters,
is characteristic of the Middle Ages ; it fully
explains the events of that period, especially the
collisions of the Empire and the Church. The
Church cannot perish ; her ruling idea cannot be
altogether extinguished ; inasmuch as Heaven and
earth will pass away, but the word of Christ will
not pass away. And therefore each time that the
ideas of worldly and violent dominion and disunion
have asserted themselves in opposition to the
Church, and have crept in among the clergy so as
to compromise their very existence, the Church has
arisen like a giant who awakes from sleep. With
unexhausted vigour she has in her extreme peril
found means to overthrow her enemy, to force him
back from the ground which he had won, and to
reassert for herself and for her ministers that
principle on which her very life depends.1

1 We have said that any reconciliation of the two ideas of
individuality as peculiar to the barbarian rule, and of organic union
as peculiar to the Church, is impossible, and that their passing
fusion is only apparent ; the first often bid fair to annihilate its
opponent, but the Church ever rose anew with fresh strength and
power. Dare we then predict that there will never be peace be-
tween the temporal and spiritual powers ? God forbid so fatal a
prediction. Peace may be had, and will be had, but on one
condition only, namely, that the temporal power should banish the
idea of individuality, a mere relic of barbarism and feudalism, and

322 Church possessions treated as private property.

CHAP. v. CXLYII. Now this explains the sudden vicissi-
tudes of ecclesiastical property. Mediaeval suze-
rains, acting according to their principle of indi-
viduality, were not content with considering the
freeholds of the Church as fiefs. They actually
seized them, treated them as their own property,
disposed of them to the laity, alienated them.
These usurpations naturally fomented discord
between them and the Church. She resisted the
abuse with conciliar enactments, Papal laws, and
canonical penalties.

Those Prelates who were lieges to the prince,
and who had imbibed the principle of individuality
with their fiefs, imitated their leaders, and dis-
posed of ecclesiastical property as if it had been
their own. They forgot that it was common
property ; they enfeoffed it, exchanged it, gave it to
laymen, expended it in pomp, in luxury, in enjoy-
ments, armies and contests. To this the Church

build itself up anew on the Church's principle which cannot fail —
the principle of organic Christian unity among men. This is the
only possible reconciliation ; not of the two principles which cannot
be reconciled, but of the two orders — temporal and spiritual, which
are perfectly reconcileable. Thus all temporal seigniorial govern-
ments should be changed into Civil Societies. After nearly a
thousand years' struggle, is not this desirable change now approach-
ing ? All European society tends that way. Thus the long struggle
which Providence permitted, and which assumed the form of a
conflict between the lay and ecclesiastical powers (though not such
really), will end in a perfect and finished work.

Influence of the monastic orders. 323

opposed numerous canons and decrees, which only CHAP. v.
riveted still closer the chains of alienation, admini-
stration and disposition of property ; while they
loosened the bond between the Prelates and the
inferior clergy, whom the Church was forced to
protect by many minute provisions, against the
arbitrary dealings and cruelty of their superiors.
Hence the struggle we so often witness now
between Chapters and Bishops, and the difficulty
of removing parish priests, which, to a great
extent, deprives the Bishops of the power to apply
a prompt remedy to the scandals and spiritual
troubles of the people.

CXLYIII. But inasmuch as the Divine
Founder of the Church willed that the principle
of a common ecclesiastical property should not
perish, either as regards its possession, its admini-
stration, or its enjoyment, He saw fit to raise up
and multiply religious orders and monasticism,
which made express and public profession of this
wholesome principle. And the faithful, guided by
that Christian instinct which never fails them,
were from that hour more inclined to carry their
gifts and oblations to the regular clergy, who
preserved rigidly the ancient principle, than to the
secular clergy. So that when the third Lateran
Council, A.D. 1179, enforced the restitution of tithes

324 3- Clergy should use only what they need.

CHAP. v. alienated to the laity, these tithes were for the most
part given up to monasteries, and not to the
Churches to which they had belonged. This was
practically permitted by the Popes themselves,
provided it was done with Episcopal consent.1

CXLIX. A third and precious maxim of an-
tiquity was that " the clergy should only use that
which was really necessary for their maintenance,
and that the rest of the Church's goods should
be employed in pious works, especially in relieving
the poor." Christ had founded the Apostolate on
poverty, and on that trust in Providence which
had moved the faithful to support their teachers
in the gospel. He had Himself given a sublime
example. " The foxes have holes, and the birds
of the air have nests, but the Son of Man hath not
where to lay His Head/'2 Such was the prospect
He held out to those who would follow Him. And
Peter had left even his humble nets to follow his
Master. The Apostolic College had a common
purse, wherein the oblations of the faithful were
deposited ; thus setting forth what the Church was
to do, and what she did. When the paralytic
asked alms, Peter was able to answer, " Silver and

1 Decret., Greg., L. iii. tit. x. c. vii. ; L. v. tit, xxxiii. c. iii. and vi. ;
L. iii. tit. xiii. c. ii. § 2.

2 St. Matt. viii. 20 ; St. Luke ix. 58.

Primitive clergy rejoiced to be poor. 325

gold have I none." * But necessaries were insured CHAP. v.
to the Apostles by the right of living in the houses
of the faithful who received them, and who, in so
doing, received more than they gave. Thus St.
Paul taught his disciple Timothy that " Godliness
with contentment is great gain. For we brought
nothing into this world, and it is certain we can
carry nothing out. And having food and raiment,
let us be therewith content." 2 Thus to enter the
ranks of the clergy, in the better days of the
Church, was equivalent to a profession of evan-
gelical poverty.3 In those days the expression,
secular clergy, was not invented ; it only appeared
in that decay of ancient discipline, when appa-
rently even the world might have its own clergy.
For long the profession of poverty continued to be
the ornament of the priesthood, so that those who
were admitted into it generally resigned their own
property, or gave it away among the poor, because,
as says Isidore of Pelusium, " turn voluntaria

1 Acts iii. 6. 2 1 Tim. vi. 6-8.

3 We have it on the express authority of Julianus Pomerius,
who writes, " Itaque sacerdos, cui dispensationis cura commissa
est, non solum sine cupiditate, sed etiam cum laude pietatis, accipit
a populo dispensanda et fideliter dispensat accepta ; qui omnia sua,
aut pauperibus distribute, aut ecclesice rebus adjungit, et se in numero
panperum, paupertatis amore, constituit ; ita ut unde pauperibus
subministrat, inde et ipse tamquam pauper voluntarius vivat " (De
Vita Contemplative, lib. ii. c. xi.).

326 Julianus Pomerius on episcopal poverty.

CHAP. v. paupertategloriabantur."1 The administration and
dispensation of the Church's possessions came to be
entrusted to these upright and disinterested men,
as guardians of the treasures of the poor. Julianus
Pomerius, after citing as instances of voluntary
poverty two great Bishops, Paulinus of Nola and
Hilary of Aries, — who being rich men had made
themselves poor for Christ's sake, — goes on to say,
"From which it is easy to see that such men — who
that they might be Christ's disciples, renounced all
that they possessed — convinced that the Church's
riches are no other than the prayers of the faithful,
the satisfaction for sins, and the patrimony of the
poor, did not use property for private purposes, as
though it was their own, but dispensed it to the
poor, as being held only in trust. That which
the Church has, she has in common with those
who have nothing, and therefore she may not
give to those who already have enough of their
own, since to give it to any who already have
is simply to throw it away."2 Thus the clergy
took their means of living from the common fund;

1 Lib. v. ep. 21.

2 De Vita Contemplativa, lib. ii. c. ix. The following sentence
is worthy of note, " Quod habet Ecclesia cum omnibus nihil
habentibus habet commune ; " as proving that at that time the
Church's possessions were considered as belonging to the community,
not to individuals.

Church possessions not meant for wealthy men. 327

as they formed a part of those poor to whom that CHAP. v.
fund appertained. The Bishop was first among
the poor, and while he dispensed the common fund
to the poor, it was but just that he should take
a portion for himself1 and for the clergy under
him. This great principle was so deeply rooted
in the public mind that it was not thought seemly
for a priest who retained any possessions of his own
to live by the Church's funds. Since he was not in
need, he had no right to them ; he would be
encroaching on the rights of the poor. This is
asserted by the fifth-century author already cited :
" Those who, having possessions of their own, yet
seek to receive something, cannot without great
guilt receive any of that which of right belongs
to the poor. Of a truth the Holy Spirit hath said
of the priesthood : 2 < They shall eat of the sins
of My people.' Now those who have nothing of
their own, do not receive sins, but the food which
is needful for them ; and so those who have
possessions, do not receive food of which they
have abundance, but they take other men's sins.

1 This maxim is found also in a decree of Gratian, Can. xii. q. 1,
cap. xxii. , where an Apostolic Canon is quoted : ' ' Ex his autem,
quibus Episcopus indiget (si tamen indiget) ad suas necessitates et
peregrinorum fratrum usus et ipse percipiat, ut nihil ei possit
omnino deesse." [Cf. Labbe and Coss. III. Cone. i. pp. 34, 35. — ED.]

2 Hosea iv. 8.

328 Church possessions not meant for wealthy men.

CHAP. v. Thus even if the poor, by industry and labour,
can avoid taking that which is chiefly due to the
weak and sick, they should do so ; since if all
those who can dispense with assistance take the
Church's alms, she cannot succour as she should
those who have no other succour. Let those who
serve the Church in too carnal a fashion, beware
lest they be more anxious for worldly stipends1
than for eternal rewards. If any minister of the
Church has not wherewithal to live, the Church
does not give him a reward, but lends him that
which is needful ; in order that he may receive
hereafter that reward of his labours which even in.
this life, trusting in the promise of the Lord, he
awaits with confidence. As for those who having
possessions do not claim anything as due to
them, and yet live at the Church's cost, it is not
for me to describe how great their sin is, in
taking the bread of the poor. They who ought
to help the Church with their means, burden her
with their expenses; they live in the congregation,
not as though their duty was to feed the poor, or
to lodge guests, but to save their private outlay."

CL. Before the Middle Ages the abuses which
were opposed to this generous principle could only

1 How much less "benefices," a word which implies a gift of a
(feudal) lord to whomsoever he will.

2 De Vita Contempl., lib. ii. c. x.

The ancient principle destroyed by feudalism. 329

be partial. For they originated with individuals, CHAP. v.
and not with Church authority which naturally
repudiated them. But how was the principle to
be generally maintained when the Church's pos-
sessions, losing their primitive character, became
feudalized, and all the most eminent ecclesiastics
so many feudatories ? From that moment the
disposal of property was subject to another law
and took a new direction. Instead of any longer
flowing continually into the hands of the poor, the
stream either became stagnant, or flowed back into
the hands of the feudal lord. The primitive idea
was effaced, or rendered inoperative ; the idea of
absolute property was substituted for it : the sacred
deposits were henceforth subject to depredation.

CLI. This dispersal of the common fund into
benefices assigned to individual clergy, deprived
the priesthood generally of a human stimulus to a
fulfilment of their sacred duties. They no longer
received a quota from the Bishop proportioned to
their labours or their merits. At the same time
they were separated from the Bishop, as they be-
came independent of him in respect of their main-
tenance;1 while the bright example of the Church

1 We learn this from St. Cyprian, who distributes an equal
portion to the readers Celerinus and Aurelius as to the priests,
"ut et sportulis eisdem cum presbyteris honorentur " (Ep. xxxiv.),
and St. Gregory the Great in various letters. Writing to a Bishop,

330 Lay philanthropy now separately organized.

CHAP. v. publicly and ministerially maintaining the poor was
lost. With the temporal, the spiritual provision
for the poor was also diminished. The Church
had specially cared for those poor who depended
on her. Through that care they were taught,
and stimulated by gratitude to know, venerate, and
love the Church, who became their mother in a
twofold sense. Hence arose the secularization of
charitable works, which, in the paucity of clergy,
were undertaken by separate institutions. In these,
little by little the laity came to take a chief part.
In this state of things it doubtless pleased Divine
Providence to ordain that many good Christians
grew more fervent in good works. But the mis-
chief was that, as these works were no longer
animated by a Church spirit, or by the wisdom
which religion inspires, they became more earthly ;
they lost the religious character which refined them
and enabled them to promote the salvation of souls.
Thus ancient is the origin of modern philanthropy.
This loss, however, will be repaired when the clergy
once more become generous and unselfish. When
that wished-for time comes (and it seems to be

he says, ' ' De reditibus Ecclesiae, quartam in integro portionem
Ecclesise tuse clericis, secundum meritum vel officiura, sive laborem
suum, ut ipse unicuique dandum perspexeris, [dare prospexeris] sive
aliqua prsebere debeas tarditate " (Lib. xiii. ep. xliv. ad Joannem
Panormitanum Episcopum).

4. Church property devoted to fixed purposes. 3 3 r

approaching), the laity will no longer be willingly CHAP. v.
estranged and divided from the clergy. By this
division they forfeit spiritual understanding, and
their material works are religiously barren. When-
ever the laity and clergy put aside their divisions,
and become once more one body in Christ, the
co-operation of the laity will be most useful and
precious, as the members of our human body are
precious to the head. Thus we see that the
creation of separate benefices hindered the spon-
taneous flow of the Church's wealth into the
hands of the poor. The duty of almsgiving
was divided amongst the holders of benefices,
guided by their own wisdom alone and unaided
by the Bishops ; and thus the poor ceased to be
what they had been, a sacred body, watched over
by the Church as her special trust.

CLII. The fourth maxim which regulated eccle-
siastical property, and prevented it from becoming
injurious to the honesty of the clergy, was that " not
only such property was to be used for pious and
charitable ends, but also, to avoid all danger
of arbitrary or selfish expenditure, it was to be
portioned out for fixed purposes." As soon as the
Church's property became considerable, and grave
abuses arose, although they were but partial and
accidental, the Church wisely intervened by in-

332 Ancient partition of Church property.

CHAP. v. sisting on an appropriation of her funds to certain
defined objects. Thus arose the ancient division
of her property into four parts. One was for the
Bishop, another for the subordinate clergy, a third
for the poor, and the fourth for the maintenance o
Divine worship and of the Church's material fabric
This partition is prescribed by the Council o:
Agde, A.D. 506, and that of Orleans, A.D. 511
and they refer to more ancient Church rules
Gregory the Great frequently alludes to it in his
letters.1 Certainly nothing could be better cal-
culated to obviate the corruption which migh
attend wealth, than to regulate its employment by
precise laws ; 2 inasmuch as abuse is inevitable
where the use of large property is left to the
arbitrary disposal of an individual holding it in
trust. Many monasteries have apparently been
demoralized and ruined by the fact of their pos

1 iv. 11, v. 12, viii. 7, xi. 64. In Spain the portion destined
to the poor was united to those of the clergy and Bishop, so tha
the division was tripartite.

2 It seems probable that the division was not always into four
equal parts, but that the proportion of each part might be varied as
necessary. C. Sebast. Berardi, in his work on the Decree of
Gratian, refers to a Canon of Pope Gelasius, adding, " In quo sane
illud observandum est quadripartitam illam ecclesiasticorum redi-
tuum distributionem non adeo rigide esse intelligendum, ut ad
proportionem quandam, ut vocant, geometricam, non ad arith-
meticam rationem exigatur " (Gratiani Canones, P. ii. c. 51 ; De
Gelasio.)

Feudalism opposed to this principle. 333

sessing enormous wealth, without* any definite CHAP. v.
laws as to the first claims on it, so that it has
been spent according to the fancy of the Abbots
or other superiors, into whose hands it may have
fallen.

CLIII. But how could the old and sacred rule
be kept up, when once feudalism had entered the
Sanctuary ? It was to the interest of the feudal
lord, or rather of that fierce aristocracy which was
the result of the feudal system, that property should
accumulate in the hands of the great families, in
the hands of the few. This accumulation was the
very foundation of the secular power, which conse-
quently opposed the scattering of riches, by an
equitable and charitable distribution. The crea-
tion of separate benefices became necessary in order
to insure the maintenance of the weaker portion
of the clergy, who would have perished of hunger
and misery if they had not been shielded from
the rapacious grasp of the great nobles. Among
these the Bishops must be reckoned ; for they no
longer belonged, as of old, to the people. The
early Bishops, though often of noble and wealthy
houses, made themselves one with the people,
whose poverty they shared, by the fact of be-
coming Bishops. They now belonged to the class
of invading and domineering aristocrats. From

334 5- "More blessed to give than to receive?

CHAP. v. that time, the abuse became law; the Church's
Canons were evaded by endless verbal quibbles,1
if not by open infraction and violence. The four-
fold division, the fixed destination of Church
revenues was considered intolerable. The old
principle, together with the spirit which inspired
it, had practically been wrecked.

CLIV. The fifth principle with which the
Church counteracted the perils of riches in the ages
preceding feudalism was, " A generous spirit, free
to give, chary to receive/' She ever proclaimed
boldly the holy but little heeded precept of
Christ, "It is more blessed to give than to re-
ceive." 2 She continually preached this doctrine as
glad tidings to a world enslaved by selfishness ; it
shone forth in all her acts and proceedings. The
Bishops esteemed temporal possessions and their
administration as a burdensome weight, which they
endured only for charity's sake.3 There were as

1 Among other deplorable verbal glosses, or more truly, posi-
tive lies, must be included commendations. In order to elude the
law which forbade one person to accumulate several benefices, they
were given in commendam, that is, the administration was en-
trusted to such a person. This was done even with Episcopal and
conventual property, which was "commended" to laymen, who
enjoyed its revenues undisturbed : much as though a lamb were
given to the wolf's care, and specially recommended to his atten-
tion ! All jurisprudence became perverted by similar iniquitous
falsehoods.

2 Acts xx. 35.

3 St. Augustine wrote (Ep. cxxvi. § 9), " God is my witness,

St. Ambrose respects family claims. 335

yet no laws which threw great difficulties in the CHAP. v.
way of the alienation of Church possessions ;
wealth was received with great reserve, and
distributed with corresponding freedom. St. Am-
brose was wont to refuse such offerings or legacies
as might injure the donor's poor relations. " Non
quoerit," so he wrote, " donum Deus de fame
parentum ; " x and he added, " Misericordia a do-
mestico progredi debet pietatis officio." The Church
could do this, in the days when she was free,
not yet fettered by a thousand shackles, among
which the chief was the so-called protection of the
secular arm. One result of the Church's enforced
servitus, is that she is no longer able to perform
those generous acts, which were common among
the earlier Bishops, and which made her shine
with such moral beauty. I have already referred to
St. Augustine and Aurelius on this topic. In one
sermon by the great Bishop of Hippo, he defends
himself against a current rumour to the effect that
" Episcopus Augustinus de bonitate sua donat
totum, non suscipit " (a strange accusation !) ; in
consequence of which the people complained that

that I tolerate but do not love all the administration of these
ecclesiastical matters with which we have to do, inasmuch as I owe
my service to the love of the brethren and the fear of God ; so
that if I could set them aside without hurt to my office, I would
gladly do so."

1 In Luc. C. xviii.

336 St. Aiigustine and Church property.

CHAP. v. no one would give, or leave inheritances any more
to the Church of Hippo. Possidius, in his Life
of St. Augustine, relates how a certain magnate of
Hippo, having formally given a possession to the
Church, afterwards repented of his liberality, and
asked for it again for his son. St. Augustine
restored the gift, refusing even to retain a donation
for the poor. But at the same time he set before
the covetous man the guilt of his action. It is also
told of St. Augustine that, perceiving certain of
the subordinate clergy to be envious of the Bishop,
in whose hands were the Church's means,1 he
discussed the subject with the people of God, to
whom in those days the Bishops communicated
everything ; setting forth how " he would have
preferred to live on the contributions of the people
of God, rather than to bear the charge and govern-
ment of these possessions ; and that he was ready
to give this charge up to them, so that all God's
servants and ministers might live as we read in the
Old Testament ; they that serve the altar, partaking
of the altar. But the laity would in no wise
consent." 2

1 Human nature is always imperfect, but I wish to distinguish
a partial and exceptional error from one that has become a universal
custom, damaging the whole social body, and doing away with the
principles which govern it.

2 "Sed nunquam id laici suscipere voluerunt " (Possid. in Vita
August., cp. xxiii.).

St. Chrysostom on Church property. 337

CLV. St. John Chrysostom tells his people CHAP. v.
why the Church no longer lived hy the accidental
collections of the faithful, while yet she accepted
donations of permanent property. He says that
the clergy were obliged to do this, not for their
own sakes, but in order to provide for the poor.
The primitive fervour of charity had been
lessened among the faithful. "It is by reason
of your niggardliness," he says, " that the Church
requires what she now has. If every one acted
according to the Apostolic laws, her revenue
would be in your hearts, which would be a sure
and safe deposit, and an inexhaustible treasure.
But now that ye lay up treasure on earth, and
shut up everything in your coffers, it behoves the
Church to make expenditure for the widows, for
the virgins, for guests, and for the needs of
travellers, or of those who are in chains, as well
as for the distress of others who are maimed or
mutilated, and for many other purposes. What is
she to do " ? l

CLYI. Who would not lament that such a
change should have supervened in the ages of
destruction and barbarism which succeeded in the
Church ; and that a clergy, once of such a noble
temper, so liberal and so full of charity, should

1 Horn. xxi. in Ep. ad Cor.

Z

338 New direction of Church legislation

CHAP. v. have fallen so far below its early condition as to
deserve the stigma of the words

" In cui usa avarizia il suo soperchio ! "

Let us examine two causes of this. One is the deeds
of barharian princes ; the other the measures which
the Church was constrained to take in her own
defence, in order to avert a still greater evil.

CLVII. Feudalism, as we have seen, had
changed the character of ecclesiastical property, so
that it was frequently alienated, and ceded to lay-
men by sovereigns, and even by feudal prelates
themselves. The Church was obliged to oppose the
abuse by means of her laws ; and from that time
forward her legislation began to take a direction
altogether contrary to the ancient principle. It
facilitated as much as possible the Church's acqui-
sition and preservation of temporal property, and
threw obstacles in the way of any alienation of it.
Legislators are wont to propose measures of im-
provement when an abuse is greatest. In this case
it was excessive. But it often happens that when
an abuse has been remedied as far as possible, they
do more than is wanted. Or they fail to weigh
duly the mischief which may arise from the legis-
lation itself, or the good which may be forfeited
by an increased restriction of liberty. Thus
abuse and good use are linked together ; or, as it

against alienating ecclesiastical property . 339

sometimes happens, the legislation whose rightful CHAP. v.
aim was the extermination of an abuse, survives
the abuse after its suppression, and presses heavily
on society when the cause which justified it has
ceased to exist. In the case we are considering it
was no doubt a great evil that ecclesiastical wealth
should be diverted from its right destination, ap-
plied to profane uses, and bestowed as the reward
of secular services. It thus failed to fulfil the pious
intentions of those who had offered it to God.
But at the same time it was a great gain that the
Bishops with their clergy should be able to re-
nounce, when it was desirable, offerings and inherit-
ances bestowed on the Church ; that they should
be able, without excessive difficulty and formalities,
to sell her property, and distribute it to such as
had need, so that the Church might be able to
relieve all the ills to which mankind is liable.
The Church is rich enough, if she has the treasure
of charity, and an ample flow of benevolence :
she is happy enough when she can say with
St. Ambrose, " Aurum Ecclesia habet, non ut
servet, sed ut eroget, et subveniat in necessita-
tibus." 1 Surely, then, it is most grievous, and

1 The u Corpus Juris Canonic! " contains the grand doctrine,
held by St. Ambrose and other Fathers, respecting the spirit of
liberality with which the Church should be ready to break even
her precious vessels in order to succour the living vessels which

340 Some mischiefs resulting from the

CHAP. v. very damaging to the Church's true interests,
when room is given for the scandal that her
clergy's hands are ever open to receive, but
unready to give. Undoubtedly the thought that
whatever flows into the Church's treasury will
never again issue forth is saddening. It breeds
contempt, excites envy, and extinguishes liberality
among the faithful. It produces a suspicion that
the Church is hoarding treasures which the people
need in order to maintain their families, to extend
commerce, and to defend the State. It gives
ground for government interference with the
disposal of ecclesiastical property, through the dis-
honourable laws of mortmain. It widens the
breach between the people and the Church and
clergy. It gives rise to unbelief, provokes the
calumnies of bad men, and too often under their
influence kindles the fury of the multitude, or
the cupidity of the powerful, so that they violently
break open the Church's treasuries in search of
gold, and even tear down the gates of the Sanc-
tuary to rob it of its wealth. I cannot but believe
it to be much more desirable, much more useful
for the Church of God not to give occasion for
any such disasters, than to abound in temporal

are redeemed by the Blood of Christ. See Gratian, Caus. xii.
Q. ii. C. Ixx. Ixxi.

legal inalienability of Church property. 341

wealth, or to prevent the possibility of alienating, CHAP. v.
even inconsiderately, some part of her possessions.
CLYIII. Little by little the Church succeeded
in restraining her barbarian conquerors by means
of admonitions, of Canons, and of penalties, so
that they should not squander the ecclesiastical
patrimony at their will. But it must be borne
in mind that the secular power did not only
injure the Church by violence and depredation. It
inflicted a yet greater injury through its very
bounties, and through its legislation, which ex-
tended a secular and profane guardianship and
protection to the Church and her property. Civil
government has not an ecclesiastical instinct, and
whenever it puts forth a hand upon the Sanc-
tuary, its touch chills and enfeebles. Charle-
magne and Otho I. favoured the Church. But
their unfortunate gift of fiefs was suggested to
them not solely by devotion to the Church, but
also by the policy which sought both to weaken
the power of the nobles, and to subject the
Bishops to themselves. It was a fatal bait by
which the clergy were caught. From that hour
the secular power continually concerned itself with
the Church, until at last its favours and caresses
deprived her of liberty, which is as necessary to
her as the very air she breathes. How can a

342 Government protection possibly disastrous,

CHAP.V. temporal government aid the Church except by
material force, which is its only natural instrument
of action ? But violence is altogether opposed to
the spirit of the Church ; we shrink with horror
from a picture of the Church armed with chains,
fetters, and the axe. What a cruel misrepresen-
tation, by which not bad men only, but the good
are repelled! Moreover the temporal power
neither knows nor respects the limits of its pro-
tection. Accustomed to command, it seeks to com-
mand wherever it can ; incapable of appreciating
the real good of the Church, it claims to be a
judge of what that good is, and makes it consist
solely in worldly advantages. It treats the ad-
ministration of the Church's property on the same
principle as its own, ignoring the wide difference
which exists between them ; it accumulates as
much, and spends as little as it can ; it enriches
the Church, if necessary, even with privileges and
immunities, extending to it an exceptional and
exaggerated protection, sometimes opposed to
justice, and to civil equality, and always odious
to the people who have no share in it.1 In this

1 The immunity from taxation should be viewed from two
different periods of history, since all European States have under-
gone a complete transmutation between their foundation and the
present time. In the first period they were seigniories, and the
tributes levied on the subjects were the private property of the prince

if the Church cannot control her property. 343

way the rule of readiness to give, and chariness to CHAP, v
receive, which intrinsically belongs to the Church,
becomes practically impossible, her possessions
being no longer at her own disposal, but subject
to the lay power.

who ruled and maintained the State on his own account ; so that
when he remitted tribute, he disposed of what was his own ; and
thus the nobles and ecclesiastics were exempt. But slowly, the
secret influence of Christianity and of the Popes changed these
European States into true Civil Societies. And now the ques-
tion arises whether it is just that in a civil society the Church
should be exempt from public charges. On the hypothesis that
her property does not exceed that which is needed for the main-
tenance of the clergy, or that any surplus is given to the poor,
such a privilege would not be unjust. But all property which
exceeds these demands, and is not, as formerly, applied to
benevolent purposes, should in all reason pay tribute like any other.
Such a course would certainly be the most respectable ; and even
profitable to the Church herself. The formalities required for the
alienation of ecclesiastical property were multiplied over and above
those which were necessary in that of ordinary property ; for in-
stance, the years of prescription were prolonged : while, on the
other hand, the ordinary proofs of validity required for wills were
diminished when the heritage went to the Church. If these
privileges are looked upon as a defence against the frauds employed
more extensively against the Church than against private indi-
viduals, they cannot be blamed ; and from another point of view,
some such rules may even be praised as an emendation of the civil
law, making way for a more equitable system for all men alike.
The formalities required in proof of the validity of a will by the
Roman law were excessive. The Church repealed these as con-
cerned ecclesiastical property, and thus increased the general free-
dom. But the laws once amended, it is not desirable that the Church
should be privileged in worldly matters ; enough if she retains her
privilege, or more truly her sacred and inviolable right of liberty —
full liberty, not only to receive and administer the offerings, past
or present, of the faithful, but also to dispose of her property in accord-
ance with the spirit of charity which animates and rules her.

344 6. Expenditure subject to public scrutiny.

CHAP. v. CLIX. The Church again exhibited her eleva-
tion of purpose in her sixth principle, which was
" a desire that the disposal of her property should
be known publicly." This principle was carried
out in primitive times. We have already seen
how the early Bishops took counsel in all things
with their people and their clergy ; and this
they did with respect to temporal as well as spiritual
matters. Furthermore, the priests and deacons
who administered Church property were necessarily
elected by the Christian people, according to Apos-
tolic tradition, as persons known and trusted by
the faithful.1 With what delicacy St. Paul sug-
gests to the Corinthians that they should them-
selves choose the bearers of their alms sent to the
needy Christians of Jerusalem ! " Upon the first
day of the week let every one of you lay by him in
store, as God hath prospered him, that there be no
gatherings when I come. And when I come,
whomsoever ye shall approve by your letters, them

1 When the first Deacons were appointed, the Apostles called
the multitude of disciples, and said, "Brethren, look ye out
among you seven men of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost and
of wisdom, whom we may appoint over this business" (Acts vi.
2, 3). They left the selection to the multitude, "look ye out,"
while they retained to themselves only the confirmation and ordi-
nation of those selected ; thus using as lightly as possible the
ample powers which they had received from Christ. Surely such
holy prudence should be a model to all Prelates !

St. Paul's instructions to the Corinthians. 345

will I send to bring your liberality unto Jerusalem. CHAP. v.
And if it be meet that I go also, they shall go
with me." * He was both Apostle and Bishop ; he
had full powers ; yet he would not select the alms-
bearers, but let the people choose for themselves.
" All things are lawful unto me, but all things are
not expedient." 2 Would they have mistrusted the
Apostle ? No ; but that was not enough. The
Apostle abstained as far as possible from interfer-
ing in temporal matters. Reserving his Apostolic
powers for necessary occasions, he left the people
free as to the rest. It is a natural and just
satisfaction for the people that they should be
able to do something ; that they should see with
their own eyes, use their judgment, share in the
general interest, and help to forward it. In the
same spirit St. Chrysostom did not shrink from
offering to give account to his people of the em-
ployment which he made of the Church's revenues :
" We are also ready to give an account to you." 3
The early Bishops acted generally in the same
spirit.

CLX. It is not enough that Church property
be conscientiously administered : nor will an ac-
count sent in only to her rulers satisfy Christians

1 1 Cor. xvi. 2-4. 2 1 Cor. vi. 12.

3 In Ep. ad Cor., Horn. xxi.

346 The Church should herself audit her accounts.

CHAP. v. who have piously given of their substance to
the Church. It would he a great advantage to
the Church, if the application of her property, and
especially when held by religious orders, were
determined, with all possible precision, by wise
laws of her own making. A suitable amount,
neither too large nor too small, would be assigned
to each purpose ; and an annual account would be
published, so that all the world might know-
clearly how much had been received and ex-
pended. Thus the faithful would be able to give
expression to their approval or disapproval of the
disposal of the Church's revenues. The govern-
ment would also have all the information it
needed. It is assuredly neither good nor ex-
pedient that the justice and charity with which
the Church directs the administration of her pro-
perty should remain hidden under a bushel ; she
should, on the contrary, shine as a light set on a
candlestick. Such a measure would conciliate the
minds of the faithful. Such an instructive ex-
ample would influence the world. Her ministers,
supported by public opinion, would not fail
through weakness, when under temptation. Men
are much less prone to open than to concealed
sin ; and the necessity of rendering a public
account to the faithful, and to the world in

7. Faithf^d administration of Church property. 347

general, would quicken the consciences of any CHAP, v
who are inactive for want of stimulus, and would
show the importance of filling all ecclesiastical
offices with men of thorough rectitude and true
piety.

CLXI. The seventh and last principle to be
noticed was that " the Church should administer
her own property with the utmost vigilance and
faithfulness." This she has ever inculcated on
those to whom she has entrusted any administra-
tion, on the ground that her substance belonged
to Grod and His poor, and that to squander it by
carelessness or sloth was sacrilege. This prin-
ciple is of the more importance, since its neglect
has given a pretext to governments for interfering,
and thus perpetuating the servitus of the Church
and her possessions.

CLXII. It is true that the Church, often per-
secuted and oppressed, always struggling with the
temporal power whether it were friend or enemy,
and burthened with the arduous care of souls, had
never leisure to perfect the system of her admin-
istration, or to establish a well-organized system
with respect to her property. If we consider
how much she has received during the course of
centuries, and how much she has lost from lack
of a vigilant and economical administration, it

348 Why Church property has been neglected.

CHAP. v. is evident that she would be very differently cir-
cumstanced now, had her property always been
wisely managed. But human strength is limited.
It can never achieve two separate undertakings
simultaneously, even although they may be closely
allied. And the spiritual labours of the Church
must necessarily have absorbed nearly all her
attention. She could not therefore devote much
care to the well-being of her temporal interests
until the more important part of her discipline,
which concerns the good of souls, was first, fully
established ; or until experience had demonstrated
what great mischief might accrue to her spiritual
interests through serious neglect of her temporal
affairs. That attention to her temporal concerns
was at first neither possible nor expedient, seems
to be taught by the example of our Lord, Who
permitted a faithless administrator to remain
among His own Apostles, possibly as a warning
that they were not to be distracted from spiritual
interests, even by the danger of temporal loss.

And here I close my remarks with a con-
clusion which follows from the evidence produced ;
namely, that when Pascal II. magnanimously pro-
posed to renounce feudal property, he put the axe
to the root of the evil tree. But the times were
too diseased to bear so strong a remedy.

The author s hopes in 1846. 349

CLXIIL This work, begun in the year 1832, CHAP. v.
and finished in the year following, was laid aside
in the author's study, and all but forgotten. The
times did not seem propitious for the publication of
what had been written rather as a relief to his own
soul, which groaned under the afflictions of the
Church of God, than for any other object. But
now (1846) that the Invisible Head of the Church
has placed a Pope in St. Peter's Chair who
seems destined to renew our failing life, and to
give to the Church a fresh impulse which will
lead her in a new and glorious course, the author
calls to rnind these forsaken papers, and no longer
shrinks from entrusting them to the hands of
friends who, in bygone days, shared his sorrows,
as they now share his brighter hopes.

APPENDIX.

ON THE ELECTION OF BISHOPS BY CLEEGY AND PEOPLE.

LETTER I.

Stresa, June 8, 1848.

EEVEREND SIR,

I am desirous of thanking you for the honourable
mention which you have made, in your valuable journal,
of the little work published by me recently at Milan, under
the title, " La Costituzione secondo la Giustizia sociale," etc.
Instead of offering barren thanks, allow me to profit by this
opportunity to explain more fully my opinion on the point
to which you allude when you say that I should like to
" restore the democratic element even to ecclesiastical govern-
ment."

Everywhere I love union, and hate discord. For union
is charity ; or, more correctly, charity is real union. It was
inculcated by our Divine Master upon individuals no less than
upon all human societies. Loving the people most heartily, I
specially love their union with the clergy. By this I do not
mean that the people ought to have a direct share in the
Church's government : that, I know full well, was entrusted
by Jesus Christ to the Apostles and their successors the
Bishops, who form a beautiful and united hierarchy, which
centres in the Primacy left by St. Peter as an inheritance to
the Popes. The people's share can only be that of charity
and counsel, as when fathers and sons correspond.

It was to such a share as this that I alluded when, in the

35 2 Moral and constitutive right.

APPENDIX, little work above-mentioned, I proposed as a healing, and
indeed as a necessary, remedy for our evils, that we should
return to the ancient custom of electing Bishops, by the
clergy and people. This custom only gave the people an
opportunity of expressing their wishes about the candidates,
of honouring them by their testimony, and of accepting the
elected Bishop with confidence. I added that this form of
election, which is confirmed by innumerable Canons and
Councils, is of Divine right. St. Cyprian says in his sixty-
eighth Epistle, "Quodet ipsum videnms de divina auctoritate
descender e, ut sacerdos, plebe praesente, sub omnium oculis
deligatur, et dignus atque idoneus publico judicio ac testi-
monio comprobetur."

In order to make my meaning quite clear, I would add here
that I am not speaking of a Divine constitutive right, but of a
Divine moral right. These are two altogether different things.
The infraction of the latter does not involve invalidity.
Therefore those Bishops who are nominated by civil govern-
ments are legitimate Pastors, since they are confirmed and
commissioned by the Pope, as is defined by the Council of
Trent (Sess. xxiii. c. 8). This distinction between the Divine
constitutive right and the Divine moral right will serve to
reconcile the different opinions expressed on this question
by various authors.

The essential element of Divine constitutive right in the in-
stitution of Bishops is to be found in their consecration and
in the mission given them by the Church. These two things
are altogether independent of the people and of all lay
power, as the Council of Trent teaches : " Docet insuper
eacrosancta Synodus in ordinatione Episcoporum, sacerdotum,
et caeterorum ordinum, nee populi nee cujusvis ssecularis
potestatis, et magistratus consensum, sive vocationem, sive
auctoritatem ita requiri, ut sine ea irrita sit ordinaiio: quin
potius decernit, eos qui tantummodo a populo aut saeculari
p';testate ac magistratu vocati et instituti, ad haac ministeria

Moral rights of the Church. 353

exercenda adscendunt, ut qui ea propria temeritate sibi
sumunt, omnes noii Ecclesise ministros, sed fures et latrones
per ostium non ingressos, babendos esse " (Sess. xxiii. cap. iv.).
But let us turn to the Divine moral right, and let us see
how at the present time this is injured by the continuance
of the irregular election of Bishops. Such irregularity is no
longer necessary, and there can be no fear that our pious
monarchs, who have seen fit to make so many concessions to
their subjects, would be angry with the Church if she were
to reassert her rights in all their fulness. The Divine moral
right, then, as to the election of the Pastors of the Church,
enacts : —

I. That these elections be made freely by the Church,
that is, by ecclesiastical authority. But is not this liberty
enormously restricted and diminished when the right of
nomination is ceded to the secular power ? How can the
Church assure herself that the worthiest man, and he in whom
the people have most confidence, will be elected ? What
guarantee does or can the lay power give her? Any diminu-
tion of the Church's liberty in the choice of her Pastors,
wounds the Church's Divine moral right; for Jesus Christ
created her free and independent. So that in our time, when
it is quite possible, it is convenient that her liberty be at once
reaffirmed and reinstated in this particular.

II. That the Christian people should have a voice in the
elections, that their testimony should be received ; and that
they should not be forced, even morally, to accept a Pastor in
whom they have no confidence, and who may be unknown to
them by look, by name, by works, even by repute. For our
Lord says that the sheep know their shepherd (St. John x. 4).
I do not say how this is to be carried out : that is a further
question ; what the best way is must be matter for considera-
tion. But, meanwhile, it is clear that there can be no im-
possibility in finding it at a time when the people elect their
parliamentary representatives without difficulty. All I seek

2 A

354 How the Church ceded this right to kings.

to establish is, that such a limited share in Episcopal elections
is of Divine right as well as of natural right ; that is to say,
that it proceeds from the nature of the institution of Pastors.
St. Athanasius refers to Apostolic tradition when, in order
to prove that Gregory had unduly invaded the Church of
Alexandria, he says that the election was not conducted
" secundum verba Pauli congregatis populis et spiritu ordinan-
tium cum virtute Domini nostri Jesu Christi " (Ep. ad Ep.
Oiihod., § 2) ; so that the opinion set forth by certain authors,
founded on a passage of St. Jerome, alluding to the priests
and omitting the people, that the first Bishops of Alexandria
were appointed regardless of the people, will not bear investi-
gation, as undoubtedly St. Athanasius must have known the
traditions of his own Church better than any one else. More-
over, the people do not elect the Bishops, and St. Jerome is
speaking solely and briefly of the election. It is enough that
the people accept willingly, and recognize the election. Thus
Alexander Natalis writes : "De traditione Divina et Apostolica
observatione descendit, quod populus in electionibus sacris
suffragetur suo testimonio, concede ; judicio, nego " (Diss. de
jure Christianas plebis ; Thesaurus Theologicus Zachariae xii.
p. 614). But where there is a royal nomination, the people
practically know nothing of the matter, and can take no
share in it, without coming into collision with the supreme
authority, and with the physical force of the lay rulers.

It is true thart the Church ceded the right of nomination
to the sovereigns ; but only because she was constrained to do
so by hard circumstances, in order to avoid still greater
evils. When your life is in danger, you give up your purse
readily. But it is none the less certain that theft and assault
are prohibited by God's laws.

In a work lately published I have set forth at greater
length what share in Episcopal elections belongs to the people ;
and how urgent the necessity is that the present exceptional
form of such elections should be done away with, and the

Will they consent to give it back? 355

legitimate Canonical practice be restored. I will therefore
say no more here, than that I am, gratefully and respect-
fully,

Your humble servant,

A. ROSMINI.

LETTER II.

While kindly acknowledging my letter of June 8th, in
which I declared the free election of Bishops to be of Divine
right, inalienable, unalterable, you invite me to throw light
upon the difficulties which present themselves to you as
standing in the way of the practical restoration to the Church
of this important right.

You think it unlikely that the sovereign will be ready
voluntarily to renounce Episcopal nominations, and that
it is a very arduous task to decide how to work for such an
end without involving the evils of discord. Such difficulties
would have been more serious formerly than now: for instance,
in the last century. In our own times, it seems to me that
they do not exist, or, at any rate, that they may be easily
overcome, if the clergy desire it. There are no liberties
belonging to the Church which may not be reasserted, if the
clergy so will. Physical force must yield to moral force,
and that which is just and reasonable is sure to find a suit-
able practical issue.

At present, I will only allude to your first difficulty.
You fear that monarchs will refuse to cede voluntarily the
usurped right of Episcopal nominations. I think that such
resistance is chiefly caused by the thick veil of ignorance
which has for long shrouded the whole subject of Episcopal
elections. Let that veil be lifted up, and the light of truth
will do the rest.

I believe it is enough to proclaim loudly, so that all,

356 Kings will yield when duly instructed.

clergy and laity, may hear, that the election of Bishops by
the clergy and people is of Divine right, as I explained in iny
former letter ; that the Church's liberties in general, and this
liberty in particular, are of Divine right ; and that if, after
centuries of struggle in their defence, the Church gave up
some part of them, it was in order to avoid still greater evils,
in order to put a limit to the still greater usurpations which
were threatened by the arrogance of the secular power, which
had become absolute in the time of Francis, King of France.
It will suffice to publish this fact on the housetops to make
known why the restoration of freedom in elections is the
first and foremost requirement of the Church at present ; to
make known to all men, specially to the laity, that this is the
only way by which the clergy can be reformed and rendered
equal to the exigencies of our day. Not that our existing
clergy are deficient in teaching or practice. But both need
enlargement. The Evangelical Word should shine with a
brighter light in their mouths, in their lives, in the abundance
of their good works. Such a revival of the spirit of the
Church is desired and called for by all, save the devil and his
angels. We must, then, set forth how it is to be attained ;
we must convince all men that the shortest, the only sure
way, is to put an end to the Church's slavery as regards the.
election of her ministers, and to restore her full liberty.

When once our Christian princes are convinced that they
inflict a grievous injury upon the Church of Christ (and it
belongs to the clergy so to convince them) by retaining the
nomination of Prelates in their own hands, instead of leaving
it to the Church herself according to the natural order of
things, conscience will make itself heard. And if we might
fear that in some cases the appearance of greater temporal
power might prevail over conscience, at least I cannot think
this of Charles Albert. I believe in his pure intentions, in his
piety, in his attachment to the Church and in the influence
that the heroic sanctity, of which his ancestors gave him the

The clergy should educate public opinion. 357

example, and which is the brightest ornament of his family,
must have upon him. I "believe that God will bless him if he
is a loving son to the Church, if he glories in restoring her
freedom, if he makes himself the champion of her liberty.
May he prove that God has chosen him as the restorer of
justice, as the servant of His eternal Spouse ! May he prove
another Constantine, a new Charlemagne !

But, while I believe Charles Albert capable of a magnani-
mous and holy act of justice like the restoration of free
action to the Church, whence he would derive imperishable
glory, I also believe that this great good is to be largely
promoted by the clergy, if they educate public opinion by
teaching the people. Why are the clergy assailed by calum-
nies ? Why, but because the Bishops are of royal nomination ?
The faithful receive them in their dioceses without any
knowledge of them, without confidence in them ; as, indeed,
the diocesan clergy do likewise. A Prelate is thrust upon
both priests and people, who must take him as he is. He
may be most excellent, but he will have to contend with
indifference and even aversion before his possible gifts and
virtues can bear good fruit to his flock. Our seminaries are
subjects of criticism. Give us Bishops nominated by the
clergy and the people, and our seminaries will soon receive
a new life. The people are not over respectful to their
Pastor; the diocesan clergy themselves are wanting in union
with him. But once let the Bishop be elected by the clergy,
and accepted by the people, and all this will be set right.
Men suspect the Bishops of being creatures of the Court, and
consequently opposed to such reforms and liberties as appear
to diminish the royal power. However false such a suspicion
may be, it exists, and it does serious damage to the Church
and to religion. But such a suspicion would be extinct as
soon as there was no longer any ground for imagining the
Bishop to be a favourite or pensioner of the prince who
nominates him.

358 The throne best aided by independent Bishops.

I could say much more, but that I wish to write briefly.
There is not a single point of Church reform that can be
demanded, which might not be satisfied through the free
election of Bishops. Let the subject only be carefully and
popularly treated by learned ecclesiastics ; let them explain
the highly important consequences of free elections, and we
fihall soon witness the power of an enlightened opinion
urgently calling for this precious liberty. Who can doubt
that it will be granted by our princes ?

You fear that princes will hold fast that which by threat-
ening worse evils they formerly wrested from the Church,
under the idea of securing their own interests, and from
their sense of the moral influence of the Bishops upon the
people? I do not think that such a theory of increasing the
prince's power by sacrificing the liberties of the Church, and
of the people, will stand in our times. I believe our princes
too wise to err so grossly in their calculations ; they cannot
be so blind after so many lessons.

Bishops nominated, as at present, by the sovereign, cannot
have much influence with the people, especially with free
peoples who are especially jealous for their newly acquired
freedom. A sovereign cannot reckon much on the influence of
Bishops, who, in the eyes of the people, are tainted with an
original sin. But matters are yet worse if such Bishops have
but little influence with the people on behalf of the monarch
who promoted them, and whose partisans they are generally
considered; and if they have not much on behalf of the faith,
of morals, and of Eeligion. And can it be for the real interest
of a sovereign that his people should be indifferent about
religion, misbelievers, neither respecting nor hearkening to
their Pastors ? No, of a truth ; it is contrary to the interests
of all ; it is thus that princes have been driven from their
thrones, and trampled on by mobs. These excesses will occur
again, or at least we may continually look for them until
both princes and people return to their obedience to their

The experience of three centitries. 359

mother the Church. And this will never be while the
Bishops are nominated by the sovereign.

If justice is the only solid foundation of thrones, let
princes begin by being at least just to the Church, if not
generous, — to that Church which existed before them, and
which will exist after them. Let them sincerely desire to have
impartial, pacific, authoritative arbitrators between them-
selves and the people, men who are esteemed and loved by both
sides. Such they will find in Bishops elected freely, without
royal interference. Princes have nothing to fear if they seek
only justice : they have much to fear if they seek abso-
lute power. But there can be no greater gain for a great
and just prince (as I write these words, I am thinking of
Charles Albert) than to be surrounded by men who are the
ministers of the God of peace and righteousness, and who will
tell him the unvarnished truth. Thiers said of late but too
truly to his French constituency, that princes have been
ruined because they have grasped too much.

Three centuries have proved that sovereigns (and I
include their governments) are not fit to appoint worthy men
to the sees of the Church ; and that therefore Religion is
reduced to the present low ebb. When was the Church ever so
barren in men illustrious for their sanctity, their teaching,
their energy, their largeness of aim, as during these three
centuries, in which the Church has groaned under these
usurped elections? No, the system is not good for sovereigns,
it is not good for the people, for the general well-being, for
liberty, or for the temporal prosperity of the world.

Now that we dare speak freely, and proclaim aloud these
facts, they may reach the ears of sovereigns. It may be that,
hearing them, they will humbly say, " We have cast bonds
around the Church, and God has punished us." It may be that
in a quiet hour they will reflect upon the tremendous responsi-
bility which they assume before Jesus Christ in undertaking
the nomination of Bishops, when even such moderate authors

360 The question, if deferred, not settled.

as St. Alfonso Liguori could say that the sovereign who does not
appoint the most worthy priests whom he can find is guilty of
mortal sin. What prince can in all good faith affirm that he
has always promoted the worthiest man he knew to any
vacant see ? Will his incapacity to judge be an excuse before
our Lord Christ? Neither the sovereign, nor the secular
power generally, knows or can know the Church's true needs.
They cannot justly appreciate the sublime gifts of the true
Pastor; and therefore they are unfit to recognize and select
him from amid the multitude, even if human views and
interests do not pervert their aim. Let each fulfil his own
office : the laity can do their own part admirably, but not
that which is peculiar to the Church.

In conclusion, the true interest of princes, both temporal
and spiritual, a wide enlightened conception of their interest,
urges them to restore to the Church her right of electing her
Pastors. I hope they will listen to this advice while it is time.
If they do not, it will be seen that the people, seeking their
own interests for themselves, and better advised than their
sovereigns, will endeavour to wrest power from the hands of the
sovereigns and to resume the right of electing their Bishops.
This right is as sacred to the people as to the clergy, as we
have seen ; and it is certainly the best guarantee which they
can have of the liberties granted to them in a constitutional
government. If at the present moment the Christian people
seem to give but little heed to the importance of Episcopal
elections, the day will come when they will be fully alive to
it, and then at the latest hour they will assuredly recover
their liberty.

I have the honour, etc.1

1 It is to be noted that the Giornale Rrmano, from which P. Ventura
quoted this letter in his brochure, " Sui Martiri di Vienna," omitted these
last lines.

INDEX.

ACHILLAS, St., 54

Adalbert, Bishop, 217

Adon, Bishop, 156

Adrian I, Pope, 169, 177, 241

Adrian VI., Pope, 243

Africa, 82, 83

Agapetus, Pope, 142

Agde, Council of, 332

Aix-la-Chapelle, 177

Albums, Bishop, 150

Alessandria, 241

Alessandro, Bishop Girolamo, xliii.

Alexander, St., 29, 32, 36, 195

Alexander III., Pope, 241

Alexandria, 36, 37, 40, 52-54, 83

Amastris, Church of, 85

Ambrose, St., 29, 224, 228, 313,

314, 335, 339

America, United States of, 121
Anastasius, Bishop, 139, 144
Anaunia, martyrs of, 84
Andrew, St., 69
Anselm, St., Archbishop, 178, 228,

235
Anselm, St., Bishop, 192, 193, 197,

235, 270
Antioch, 37, 83, 144

Council of, 112

Antoninus, Sub-deacon, 148, 188
Apollinaris, 83
Aqui, 150
Aquileia, 82, 83
Aquitaine, 150

Aschaflenburg, Concordat of, 240
Athanasius, St., 32, 141
Aries, Council of, 140
Aristion, 69

Arturicus, Bishop, 186
Aristotle, 9, 62

Astolfus, King of Lombardy, 103
Augustine, St., xliv., xxlv., 10, 82,

83, 88, 89, 173, 334-336
Aurelius, Bishop, 224, 335
Avignon, 167

B

BADIA, Master of Sacred Palace,

xliii.
Bale, 103
Barnabas, St., 134
Basil, St., 82

Basle, Council of, 167, 239
Beauvais, 157, 158, 160, 164
Bede, Venerable, 60
Benedict XII., 167
Benevento, Council of, 236
Berardi, 314, 315, 332
Bernard, St., 61, 235, 256, 257
Bernarius, 156
Bologna, Concordat of, 243
Bonaventura, St., 61
Boniface IX., 167
Bonosus, 82
Bourges, 167
Bruno, 217

C^ESABEA, 36

Calixtus II., Pope, 235, 237, 269, 278

Cambrai, 153, 166

Canons, The, of Antioch, 144

CLalons-sur-Saone, 149, 306

Clermont, 234

Constantinople, 153, 154

362

Index.

Canons, The, of Lateran Councils,
63, 172, 252

Lyons, 63

Meaux, 183

Nice, 143, 151

Nicea, 90

Nimes, 234

Orleans, 145

• Pope Gelasius, 332

• Riez, 181

• Thionville, 152

Tours, 234

Canossa, 209, 218, 219
Cantinus, Bishop, 175
Caraffa, Cardinal, xliii.
Carthage, 37, 79

Council of, 128

Cato, Bishop, 150

Cedrenus, 179

Celestine I., Pope, 144, 261

Chalcedon, Council of, 181, 182

Chalons-sur-Saone, Council of, 149,

307
Charlemagne, 169, 171, 176, 177,

241, 294, 341
Charles, St., 59
Charles V., Emperor, 243, 245
Charles the Bald, of France, 152,

156, 180, 183

Charles VII. of France, 167
Charles VIII. of France, 167
Chilperic, King, 150
Christian, King of Sweden, 113
Chrodegang, St., 59
Chrysologus, St. Peter, 29
Chrysostom, St. John, 37, 68, 82,

84, 179, 312, 337, 345
Cibrario, Del Economia del Medio

Evo, 311

Clement, St., of Eome, 85
Clement, St., of Alexandria, 53, 57,

62, 70, 72, 73, 76
Clement V., 167
Clermont, 150, 175

Council of, 144, 145, 236

Clothaire, 11, 149, 150, 175

Clovis II., 149, 171

Cod. Theod., 313

Compiegne, 164

Concilia Antiqua Gallise, 145

Consilium delectorum Cardinalium,

xliii.

Constance, 103

Council of, 239

Constantine the Great, 141, 312

Pogonatus, 147

Constantinople, 83, 84, 103, 142, 312

Council of (A.D. 381), 102

Patriarchate of, 142, 180

'.Synod of, 142

Contarini, Cardinal, xliii.
Corinth, Church of, 85, 305
Cornelius, St., 188
Corpus Juris Canonici., 339
Cortesi, Abbot, xliii.
Crete, 85, 134

Cyprian, St., 79, 87-89, 128, 141,
188, 307, 329

DAGOBERT, 149

Dalmatia, 83, 148

Damasus, Bishop, 36

Demetrius, Bishop, 36

Denmark, 116

Didymus, 83

Dominicy, M. Antoine, 171

Diodorus, Bishop, 82

Dionysius, St., Bishop of Alexan-
dria, 54

Dionysius, St., Bishop of Corinth,
85

Donnus, Pope, 103

Ducange, 103, 173

Dupin, M., 137, 138

E

EADMER, Hist. Novorum, 124, 178,
226, 241

Edward III. of England, 239

Edenulf, Bishop, 166

Eleutherius, Pope, 35

Elmoldus, Chronic Slavorum, 186

Emerius, Bishop, 150

England, 50, 113, 116, 170, 243, 281

Epiphanius, Patriarch of Constan-
tinople, 142

Eugenius IV., Pope, 240

Euphonius, 150

Eusebius, 34, 36, 53, 69, 70, 85

Evodius, 33

Index.

363

FERREOLUS, Bishop, 150
Fismes, Council of, 157, 163
Flavian, St., Bishop of Antioch,

37
Fleury, Histoire Ecclesiastique,

58-60, 64, 67, 71, 88, 89, 96, 101,

144, 154, 215

Flodoardus, Hist. Remensis, 184
Florinus, 34

Florus, Deacon of Lyons, 187, 188
France, 50, 145, 170, 171, 277, 284,

286, 311

Francis I. of France, 245
Frank, Chancellor, 174
Frankfort, Concordat of, 240
Frederic I. of Denmark, 129
Frederic II., Emperor of -Germany,

120, 238
Frederic III., Emperor of Germany,

240
Fregoso, Federigo, Bishop of

Salerno, xliii.
Freeman, Norman Conquest, 120

G

GALATIA, Church of, 305

Gazzaniga, 66

Gelasius II., Pope, 235, 237, 313,

332

Gerbertus, 180, 182
Germany, 50, 113, 116, 192, 196,

209, 210, 240
Gervasius, Hist., 178

Giberti, Bishop, Giovamatteo,

xliii.

Godfrey, Cardinal, 278
Gratianus, 313-315, 327, 332, 340
Gregory II., Pope, 151
Gregory VII., 192-195, 198-200,

210, 212, 213, 216, 217, 233-236,
238, 243, 275, 295

Gregory IX., 120

Gregory the Great, St., 41, 46, 97,

148, 149, 329, 332
Gregory of Tours, St., 147, 150,

175
Gregory Nazianzen, St., 71, 83,

125
Gregory Thaumaturgus, St., 74

Grenoble, 156
Guastalla, Council of, 236
Guibert, Archbishop, 216
Gustavus Vasa, 129

H

HALL AM, Middle Ages,x 119
Haussonville, D', L'Eglise Ro-

maine etle Premier Empire, xxvii.
Heliodorus, Bishop, 82
Henry I of England, 227, 229, 241
Henry VIII. of England, 113, 129
Henry IV. of France, 277
Henry IV., Emperor, 194-196, 198,

209, 210, 213, 214, 216-218, 275
Henry V., 219, 237, 250, 252
Heraclas, St., 54
Hilary, Bishop, 326
Hildebrand. See Gregory VII.
Hint-mar, Archbishop, 153, 157,

158, 161, 166, 180, 182, 184, 246
Hippo, 335, 336
Horace, 312
Hormisdas, Pope, 142
Hugo Flaviniacensis, 215
Hume, Hist, of England, 233
Hussey, Rise of Papal Power, 80

IGNATIUS, St., 24, 33, 36, 85
Ilerda, Council of. 182
Ilduin, Bishop, 153
Ingulphus, Abbot, 191
Innocent I., Pope, 262
Innocent II., Pope, 254, 255
Innocent III., Pope, 166, 172
Innocent VIII., Pope, 256
Irenseus, St., 33, 35, 307
Isidore of Pelusium, 325
Italy, 170
Ivo. St., of Chartres, 235, 247

JAMES, St., 69, 84

Jerome, St., 36, 52, 74, 82, 83, 84,

313
John, St., 69, 84

Index.

Jovinus, Priest, 82

Jovinus, 150

Judas Iscariot, 122

Jude, St., 84

Julianus Pomerius, de Vita Com-

templativa, 317, 326, 328
Julian the Apostate, 213
Julius I., Pope, 2(il
Julius II., Pope, 122, 256
Julius III., Pope, 168
Justinian, Emperor, 142, 147, 307
John Zymisca, Emperor, 180

LAMBERTUS, Scafnaburgensis, 209
Lanfranc, Archbishop, 178
Langen, Vat. Dogm., 80
Lateran Councils, the, 63, 166, 172,

238, 254, 269, 323
Laudun, 166
Laurence, St., 32
Lausanne, 238

Lenfant Concile de Constance, 119
Leo the Isaurian, 151
Leo., St., Pope, 139, 144, 261, 262
Leo II., Pope, 103
Leo IV., Pope, 184
Leo X., Pope, 122, 243, 256
Leontius, Metropolitan, 150
Lombard, Peter, 61
Lombardy, 103

Lothaire,* Emperor, 152, 153, 156
Louis the Pious, 177
Louis I. of France, 152
Louis II., 156

Louis III., 156,161, 164, 165
Louis VII., 245, 256
Louis XL, 167, 245
Louis XIV., 294
Loyola, Ignatius, 105
Lupo di Ferrara, Abbot, 294
Lyons, Council of, 63, 239
Lyons, Martyrs of, 35

M

MACAIRE, Theol. Dog. Orth., 80
Macon, Council of, 308
Magnesia, Church of, 36

Marcellus, Bishop, 150

Marculfus, 175, 176, 180

Mark, St., School of, at Alexandria,

37, 52

Marianus Scotus, 194
Martin, St., 29
Matthew, St., 69
Maurice, Emperor, 41
Maximus, St., Bishop, 82
Meaux, Council of, 183
Meletius, St., 82
Melfi, Council, 236
Mennas, Patriarch, 142
Milan, 84
Mopsuestia, 82
Muratori, 102

N

NAPOLEON I., 256, 284

Natalis, Alexander, 146, 181, 183,

187, 243

Natalis, Bishop, 148
Narbonne, 139
Nepotian, 82
Neri, St. Philip, 24
New Home. See Constantinople.
Nice, Councils of, 143, 151, 152
Nicea, Council of, 90
Nicetius, Count, 150
Nicholas I., Pope, 152, 153
Nicholas V., Pope, 240
Nimes, Council of, 234

Odo, Bishop, 157

Odoacer, Bishop, 157, 158, 163, 164

Onesimus, Bishop, 36

Origen, 36, 40, 58, 74, 135, 137,307

Orleans, Council of, 145, 147, 182,

332

Orosius, 83
Otho I., 190, 191, 341
Otho IV., 238

PALESTINE, 36
Pantsenus, St., 33, 53, 74

Index.

365

Papias, St., 69

Paris, Councils of, 147, 149, 175,

182

National Council of, 162

Pascal II., Pope, 219,224-227,229,

230, 235, 236, 241, 247, 250, 252,

253, 269, 348
Paul, St., 84, 130, 134, 173, 211, 305,

306, 325, 344
Paul III., Pope, xlii.
Paulus Benriedensis, 198
Paulinus, Bishop, 326
Peter, St., 69, 84, 122, 173, 211,

305

Peter Damian, St., 235
Peter di Castra, 254, 256
Pisa, Council of, 103
Pius VII., Pope, 284
Philip, St., 69

Philip I. of France, 191, 192
Phillimore's International Law, 299
Philo of Alexandria, 312
Phocas, Emperor, 179, 180
Plato, 62

Polo, Cardinal, xxiii.
Polybius, Bishop, 36
Polycarp, St., 33
Polyeuctes, Patriarch, 180
Procleus, Bishop, 191

EABANTJS, 60
Kavenna, 103
Kheims, 153, 163, 164

Council of, 237, 269

Eichard I. of England, 179
Richelieu, Cardinal, 126, 284, 295
Riez, Council of, 181
Robert, King of France, 175
Robert of Bainberg, 219
Robertson, View of State of Europe,

233
Rome, 54, 102, 143

Councils of, 236

Roncaglia, Constantine, 150
Rudolf I., Emperor of Germany,

238

Rudolph of Suabia, 276
Rufinus, 82
Russia, 116
Rusticus of Narbonne, 139

S

SADOLETO, Cardinal, xliii.
Salona, 148

Sardica, Council of, 112
Seleucia, 82
Socrates, 82
Sorbonne, The, 277
Soterius, St., 85
Simplician, St., 84
Sinnondus, 145
Sixtus, St., 32
Spain, 83, 243, 332
Sweden, 113, 116,281
Syinmacuus, Pope, 143

TARSUS, 82

Tertullian, 58, 306

Theoctista, 41

Theoctistus, Bishop, 36

Tbeodorus, Bishop, 82

Thessalonica, 139, 144

Thionville, Synod at, 152

Thomas, St., 69

Thomas Aquinas, St., 210

Timotheus, 33

Titus, Bishop of Crete, 33, 134

Toledo, Synod of, 262

Tummassinus, Vet. and Nov. Eccl.

Discip., 185, 307
Tournely, 66
Tours, Council of, 234
Trent, 84

Council of, 99, 199

Tribur, 209

Troves, Council of, 236

Type, the, 102

U

UDALRIC of Costreim, 219
Urban II., Pope, 235, 236
Uzes, see of, 150

VALENTIA, Council of, 182
Valerian, St., 83
Valerian, St., School of, 82
Valerius, Bishop of Carthage, 37
Venice, 107

;66

Index.

Victor III., Pope, 235, 236
Vienne, 139, 156
Vigilius, St., Bishop, 84
Vitri, Jacopo di, 67

W

WALTER, Manual of Ecclesiastical
Law, 315

William I., 178
William II., 124, 178
William of Malmesbury, 171, 250
Worms, 238

ZACHAKY, Pope, 294

INDEX OF TEXTS.

PAGE

Genesis iii. 5 10

Judges vi. 16 15

xx. 1, 8 15

Psalm ii. 2 121

xxvii. 9 42

Ixix. 2 43

Ixxiii 43

Proverbs iii. 1 62

Isaiah viii. 1 57

liii. 14 42

Iviii. 14 43

Hosea iv. 8 327

Joelii. 12 43

St. Matthew v. 13 168

vi. 24 173-

vii 6 72

viii. 20 324

x. 14 305

15 305

16 110, 290

xvi. 18 122

xviii. 19 13

xx. 25, 26 309

xxviii. 19 7

20 15,134

St. Luke ix. 58 324

x. 5-7 304

xxii,19 8

25, 26 309

St John iii. 2-6 1

x. 11 .. .. 279

PAGE

St. John xvii. 11 25, 81

22 14

Acts iii. 6 325

32 312

iv. 35 311

v. 3, 4 305

vi. 2, 3 344

4 97

xiv. 23 134

xx. 35 334

Kornansvii. 12 " 20

1 Corinthians iv. 4, 15 304

vi. 12... 88, 130,345

ix. 4 306

11 310

xi. 24, 25 8

xvi. 2 305

2,4 345

Ephesians iv. 4 78

5,6 79

1 Timothy i. 8 20

iii. 1 105

v. 17, 18 304

vi. 6-8 325

2 Timothy ii. 2 54

3,4 317

4 173

iv. 3 xliv.

Titus i. 5 134

Hebrews ix. 6-10 14

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Bishop of Exeter. One Shilling Edition, i8mo. With red borders,
i6mo, 2s. 6d.

The Crown 8vo Edition (55.) may still be had.

Blunt.— Works by the Rev. JOHN HENRY BLUNT, D.D.

THE ANNOTATED BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER: Being an
Historical, Ritual, and Theological Commentary on the Devotional
System of the Church of England. \to. zis.

THE COMPENDIOUS EDITION OF THE ANNOTATED BOOK
OF COMMON PRAYER : Forming a concise Commentary on the
Devotional System of the Church of England. Crown 8vo. los. 6d.

DICTIONARY OF DOCTRINAL AND HISTORICAL THEOLOGY.
By various Writers. Imperial 8vo. 2is.

DICTIONARY OF SECTS, HERESIES, ECCLESIASTICAL PAR-
TIES AND SCHOOLS OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT. By various
Writers. Imperial 8vo. 2is.

THE BOOK OF CHURCH LAW. Being an Exposition of the Legal
Rights and Duties of the Parochial Clergy and the Laity of the Church
of England. Revised by Sir WALTER G. F. PHILLIMORE, Bart.,
D.C.L. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d.

A COMPANION TO THE BIBLE : Being a Plain Commentary on
Scripture History, to the end of the Apostolic Age. Two vols. small
8vo. Sold separately.
THE OLD TESTAMENT. 3*. 6d. THE NEW TESTAMENT. 3*. 6d.

HOUSEHOLD THEOLOGY : a Handbook of Religious Information
respecting the Holy Bible, the Prayer Book, the Church, etc. etc.
Paper cover, i6mo. is. Also the Larger Edition, y. 6d.

Body.— Works by the Rev. GEORGE BODY, D.D., Canon of

Durham.

THE LIFE OF LOVE : A Course of Lent Lectures. Crown 8vo. 4*. 6d.
THE SCHOOL OF CALVARY ; or, Laws of Christian Life revealed

from the Cross. Small 8vo. y f>d.
THE LIFE OF JUSTIFICATION. i6mo. zs. 6d.
THE LIFE OF TEMPTATION. i6mo. 2s. 6d.

Bonney.— CHRISTIAN DOCTRINES AND MODERN
THOUGHT : being the Boyle Lectures for 1891. By the Rev. T. G.
BONNEY, D.Sc., Hon. Canon of Manchester. Crown 8vo. 55.

IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE.

Boultbee.— A COMMENTARY ON THE THIRTY-NINE
ARTICLES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. By the Rev.
T. P. BOULTBEE, formerly Principal of the London College of Divinity,
St, John's Hall, Highbury. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Bright— Works by WILLIAM BRIGHT, D.D., Canon of Christ

Church Oxford.

MORALITY IN DOCTRINE. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d.
LESSONS FROM THE LIVES OF THREE GREAT FATHERS :

St. Athanasius, St. Chrysostom, and St. Augustine. Crown. 8vo. 6s.
THE INCARNATION AS A MOTIVE POWER. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Bright and Medd.— LIBER PRECUM PUBLICARUM EC-

CLESLE ANGLICANS. A GULIELMO BRIGHT, S.T.P., et PETRO
GOLDSMITH MEDD, A.M., Latine redditus. [In hac Editione con-
tinentur Versiones Latinas — i. Libri Precum Pubiicarum Ecclesiae
Anglicanae ; 2. Liturgiae Primae Reformats ; 3. Liturgise Scoticanae ;
4. Liturgiae Americanas.] Small 8vo. ?s. 6d.

Browne.— AN EXPOSITION OF THE THIRTY-NINE
ARTICLES, Historical and Doctrinal. By E. H. BROWNE, D.D.,
formerly Bishop of Winchester. 8vo. i6s.

Campion and Beamont.— THE PRAYER BOOK INTER-

LEAVED. With Historical Illustrations and Explanatory Notes
arranged parallel to the Text. By W. M. CAMPION, D.D., and W. J.
BEAMONT, M.A. Small 8vo. js. 6d.

Carter.— Works edited by the Rev. T. T. CARTER, M.A., Hon.

Canon of Christ Church, Oxford.

THE TREASURY OF DEVOTION : a Manual of Prayer for General
and Daily Use. Compiled by a Priest. i8mo. ss. 6d. ; cloth limp,
2s. ; or bound with the Book of Common Prayer, y. 6d. Large- Type
Edition. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d.

THE WAY OF LIFE : A Book of Prayers and Instruction for the Young
at School, with a Preparation for Confirmation. Compiled by a Priest.
i8mo. is. 6d.

THE PATH OF HOLINESS : a First Book of Prayers, with the
Service of the Holy Communion, for the Young. Compiled by a
Priest. With Illustrations. i6mo. is. 6d. ; cloth limp, is.

THE GUIDE TO HEAVEN : a Book of Prayers for every Want. (For
the Working Classes.) Compiled by a Priest. i8mo. is. 6d. ;
cloth limp, is. Large-Type Edition. Crown 8vo. is. 6d. ; doth
limp, is.

{continued.

A CATALOGUE OF WORKS

Carter.— Works edited by the Rev, T. T. CARTER, M.A., Hon.

Canon of Christ Church, Oxford — continued.
SELF-RENUNCIATION. i6mo. 2s. 6d.

THE STAR OF CHILDHOOD : a First Book of Prayers and Instruc-
tion for Children. Compiled by a Priest. With Illustrations. i6mo.
2s. 6d.

NICHOLAS FERRAR : his Household and his Friends. With Portrait
engraved after a Picture by CORNELIUS JANSSEN at Magdalene
College, Cambridge, Crown 8vo. 6s.

Carter.— MAXIMS AND GLEANINGS FROM THE
WRITINGS OF T. T. CARTER, M.A. Selected and arranged for
Daily Use. Crown i6mo. is.

Chandler.— THE SPIRIT OF MAN : An Essay in Christian
Philosophy. By the Rev. A. CHANDLER, M.A., Rector of Poplar, E.,
Crown 8vo. 5*.

Conybeare and Howson.— THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF

ST. PAUL. By the Rev. W. J. CONYBEARE, M.A., and the Very
Rev. J. S. HOWSON, D.D. With numerous Maps and Illustrations.

LIBRARY EDITION. Two Vols. 8vo. 2is.

STUDENT'S EDITION. One Vol. Crown 8vo. 6s.

POPULAR EDITION. One Vol. Crown 8vo, 3*. 6d.
Copleston.— BUDDHISM— PRIMITIVE AND PRESENT IN
MAGADHA AND IN CEYLON. By REGINALD STEPHEN COPLE-
STON, D.D., Bishop of Colombo. 8vo. i6s.

Devotional Series, 16mo, Red Borders. Each 2s. 6a.

BICKERSTETH'S YESTERDAY, TO-DAY, AND FOR EVER.
CHILCOT'S TREATISE ON EVIL THOUGHTS.
THE CHRISTIAN YEAR.

FRANCIS DE SALES' (ST.) THE DEVOUT LIFE.
HERBERT'S POEMS AND PROVERBS.
KEMPIS' (A) OF THE IMITATION OF CHRIST.
WILSON'S THE LORD'S SUPPER. Large type.
•TAYLOR'S (JEREMY) HOLY LIVING.

* HOLY DYING.

* These two in one Volume. $s.

Devotional Series, 18mo, without Red Borders. Each \s.

BICKERSTETH'S YESTERDAY, TO-DAY, AND FOR EVER.

THE CHRISTIAN YEAR.

FRANCIS DE SALES' (ST.) THE DEVOUT LIFE.

HERBERT'S POEMS AND PROVERBS.

KEMPIS' (A) OF THE IMITATION OF CHRIST.

WILSON'S THE LORD'S SUPPER. Large type.

"TAYLOR'S (JEREMY) HOLY LIVING.

* HOLY DYING.

* These two in one Volume, zs. 6d.

IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE.

5

Edersheim.— Works by ALFRED EDERSHEIM, M.A., D.D., Ph.D.,
sometime Grinfield Lecturer on the Septuagint Oxford.

THE LIFE AND TIMES OF JESUS THE MESSIAH. Two Vtls.
8vo. 24-y.

JESUS THE MESSIAH : being an Abridged Edition of ' The Life and
Times of Jesus the Messiah.' Crown 8vo. js. 6d.

PROPHECY AND HISTORY IN RELATION TO THE MESSIAH :
The Warburton Lectures, 1880-1884. 8vo. I2J.

Ellicott.— Works by C. J. ELLICOTT, D.D., Bishop of Gloucester
and Bristol.

A CRITICAL AND GRAMMATICAL COMMENTARY ON ST.
PAUL'S EPISTLES. Greek Text, with a Critical and Grammatical
Commentary, and a Revised English Translation. 8vo.

i CORINTHIANS, idr. j PHILIPPIANS, COLOSSIANS, AND

GALATIANS. 8s. 6d.
EPHESIANS. 8s. 6d.
PASTORAL EPISTLES.

6d.

PHILEMON. IQJ. 6d.
THESSALONIANS. js. 6d.

HISTORICAL LECTURES ON THE LIFE OF OUR LORD
JESUS CHRIST. 8vo. 12^.

Epochs of Church History. Edited by MANDELL CREIGHTON,
D.D., LL.D., Bishop of Peterborough. Fcap. %vo. zs. 6d. each.

THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN
OTHER LANDS. By the Rev. H. W.
TUCKER, M.A.

THE HISTORY OF THE RE-
FORMATION IN ENGLAND. By
the Rev. GEO. G. PERRY, M.A.

THE CHURCH OF THE EARLY
FATHERS. By the Rev. ALFRED
PLUMMER, D.D.

THE EVANGELICAL REVIVAL IN
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
By the Rev. J. H. OVERTON, M.A.

THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.
By the Hon. G. C. BRODRICK, D.C.L.

THE UNIVERSITY OF CAM-
BRIDGE. By J. BASS MULLINGER,
M.A.

THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE
MIDDLE AGES. By the Rev. W.
HUNT, M.A.

THE CHURCH AND THE
EASTERN EMPIRE. By the Rev.
H. F. TOZER, M.A.

THE CHURCH AND THE ROMAN
EMPIRE. By the Rev. A. CARR.

THE CHURCH AND THE PURI-
TANS, 1570-1660. By HENRY OFFLKY
WAKEMAN, M.A.

HILDEBRAND AND HIS TIMES.
By the Rev. W. R. W. STEPHENS, M.A.

THE POPES AND THE HOHEN-
STAUFEN. By UGO BALZANI.

THE COUNTER-REFORMATION.
By ADOLPHUS WILLIAM WARD, Litt. D.

VVYCLIFFE AND MOVEMENTS
FOR REFORM. By REGINALD L.
POOLE, M.A.

THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY. By
H. M. GWATKIN, M.A.

A CATALOGUE OF WORKS

Fosbery.— Works edited by the Rev. THOMAS VINCENT FOSBERY,
M.A., sometime Vicar of St. Giles's, Reading.

VOICES OF COMFORT. Cheap Edition. Small 8vo. 35. 6d.
The Larger Edition (75. 6d.) may still be had.

HYMNS AND POEMS FOR THE SICK AND SUFFERING. In
connection with the Service for the Visitation of the Sick. Selected
from Various Authors. Small too. y &d.

Garland.— THE PRACTICAL TEACHING OF THE APO-
CALYPSE. By the Rev. G. V. GARLAND, M.A. too. i6s.

Gore.— Works by the Rev. CHARLES GORE, M. A., Principal of the

Pusey House ; Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford.
THE MINISTRY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. too. los. 6d.
•- ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS. Crown too. y. 6d.

Goulburn.— Works by EDWARD MEYRICK GOULBURN, D.D.,

D.C.L., sometime Dean of Norwich.

THOUGHTS ON PERSONAL RELIGION. Small too, 6s. 6d. ;
Cheap Edition, y. 6d. ; Presentation Edition, 2 vols. small 8vo, IQS. 6d.

THE PURSUIT OF HOLINESS : a Sequel to 'Thoughts on Personal
Religion." Small too. $s. Cheap Edition, y. 6d. .

THE CHILD SAMUEL : a Practical and Devotional Commentary on
the Birth and Childhood of the Prophet Samuel, as recorded in
i Sam. i. , ii. 1-27, iii. Small too. zs. 6d.

THE GOSPEL OF THE CHILDHOOD : a Practical and Devotional
Commentary on the Single Incident of our Blessed Lord's Childhood
(St. Luke ii. 41 to the end. ) Crown too. zs. 6d.

THE COLLECTS OF THE DAY : an Exposition, Critical and Devo-
tional, of the Collects appointed at the Communion. With Preliminary
Essays on their Structure, Sources, etc. 2 vols. Crown too. 8s. each.

THOUGHTS UPON THE LITURGICAL GOSPELS for the Sundays,
one for each day in the year. With an Introduction on their Origin,
History, the Modifications made in them by the Reformers and by the
Revisers of the Prayer Book. 2 vols. Crown too. i6s.

MEDITATIONS UPON THE LITURGICAL GOSPELS for the
Minor Festivals of Christ, the two first Week-days of the Easter and
Whitsun Festivals, and the Red-letter Saints' Days. Crown too. 8s. 6d.

FAMILY PRAYERS compiled from various sources (chiefly from Bishop
Hamilton's Manual), and arranged on the Liturgical Principle. Crown
too. y. 6d. Cheap Edition, \6rno. is.

Harrison. — Works by the Rev. ALEXANDER J. HARRISON, B.D.,

Lecturer of the Christian Evidence Society.
PROBLEMS OF CHRISTIANITY AND SCEPTICISM; Lessons
from Twenty Years' Experience in the Field of Christian Evidence.
Crown 8vo. js. 6d.

THE CHURCH IN RELATION TO SCEPTICS: a Conversational
Guide to Evidential Work. Crown too. 75. 6d.

IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE.

Holland.— Works by the Rev. HENRY SCOTT HOLLAND, M.A.,

Canon and Precentor of St. Paul's.

PLEAS AND CLAIMS FOR CHRIST. Crown Svo. 7*. 6d.
CREED AND CHARACTER : Sermons. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.
ON BEHALF OF BELIEF. Sermons preached in St. Paul's Cathedral.

Crown Svo. y. 6d.

CHRIST OR ECCLESIASTES. Sermons preached in St. Paul's

Cathedral. Crown Svo. y. &£
LOGIC AND LIFE, with other Sermons. Crown Svo. y. 6d.

Hopkins.— CHRIST THE CONSOLER. A Book of Comfort
for the Sick. By ELLICE HOPKINS. Small Svo. 2s. 6d.

Howard.— THE SCHISM BETWEEN THE ORIENTAL

AND WESTERN CHURCHES. With special reference to the
addition of the Filioque to the Creed. By the Rev. G. B. HOWARD,
B.A., sometime Scholar of St. John's College, Cambridge. Crown Svo.
y.6d.

Ingram.— HAPPINESS IN THE SPIRITUAL LIFE; or, 'The

Secret of the Lord.' A Series of Practical Considerations. By W.
CLAVELL INGRAM, D.D., Dean of Peterborough. Crown Svo. 75. 6d.

INHERITANCE OF THE SAINTS; or, Thoughts on the
Communion of Saints and the Life of the World to come. Col-
lected chiefly from English Writers by L. P. With a Preface by the
Rev. HENRY SCOTT HOLLAND, M.A. Crown Svo. js. 6d.

Jameson.— Works by Mrs. JAMESON.

SACRED AND LEGENDARY ART, containing Legends of the Angels

and Archangels, the Evangelists, the Apostles. With 19 etchings and

187 Woodcuts. Two Vols. Cloth, gilt top, zos. net.
LEGENDS OF THE MONASTIC ORDERS, as represented in the

Fine Arts. With n etchings and 88 Woodcuts. One Vol. Cloth,

gilt top, IQS. net.
LEGENDS OF THE MADONNA, OR BLESSED VIRGIN MARY.

With 27 Etchings and 165 Woodcuts. One Vol. Cloth, gilt top, los. net.
THE HISTORY OF OUR LORD, as exemplified in Works of Art,

Commenced by the late Mrs. JAMESON ; continued and completed by

LADY EASTLAKE. With 31 Etchings and 281 Woodcuts. Two Vols.

Svo. 2os. net.

Jennings.— EC CLES I A ANGLIC AN A. A History of the
Church of Christ in England from the Earliest to the Present Times.
By the Rev. ARTHUR CHARLES JENNINGS, M.A. Crown Svo. js. 6d.

8 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS

Jukes. — Works by ANDREW JUKES.

THE NEW MAN AND THE ETERNAL LIFE. Notes on the

Reiterated Amens of the Son of God. Crown 8vo. 6s.
THE NAMES OF GOD IN HOLY SCRIPTURE : a Revelation of

His Nature and Relationships. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d.
THE TYPES OF GENESIS. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
THE SECOND DEATH AND THE RESTITUTION OF ALL

THINGS. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.
THE MYSTERY OF THE KINGDOM. Crown Zvo. 2J. 6d.

Keble.— MAXIMS AND GLEANINGS FROM THE WRIT-
INGS OF JOHN KEBLE, M.A. Selected and Arranged for Daily
Use. By C. M. S. Crown i6mo. is.

SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF JOHN KEBLE, M.A.
Crown 8vo. y. 6d.

King.— DR. LIDDON'S TOUR IN EGYPT AND PALES-
TINE IN 1886. Being Letters descriptive of the Tour, written by his
Sister, Mrs. KING. Crown 8vo. 55.

Knowling.— THE WITNESS OF THE EPISTLES : a Study
in Modern Criticism. By the Rev. R. J. KNOWLING, M.A., Vice-
Principal of King's College, London. 8vo. i$s.

Knox Little.— Works by W. J. KNOX LITTLE, M.A., Canon
Residentiary of Worcester, and Vicar of Hoar Cross.

SKETCHES IN SUNSHINE AND STORM: a Collection of Mis-
cellaneous Essays and Notes of Travel. Crown 8vo. js. 6d.

THE CHRISTIAN HOME. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d.

THE HOPES AND DECISIONS OF THE PASSION OF OUR
MOST HOLY REDEEMER. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.

CHARACTERISTICS AND MOTIVES OF THE CHRISTIAN
LIFE. Ten Sermons preached in Manchester Cathedral, in Lent
and Advent. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.

SERMONS PREACHED FOR THE MOST PART IN MANCHES-
TER. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.

THE MYSTERY OF THE PASSION OF OUR MOST HOLY
REDEEMER. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.

THE WITNESS OF THE PASSION OF OUR MOST HOLY
REDEEMER. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.

THE LIGHT OF LIFE. Sermons preached on Various Occasions.

Crown 8vo. y. 6d.
SUNLIGHT AND SHADOW IN THE CHRISTIAN LIFE.

Sermons preached for the most part in America. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.

IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE.

Lear.— Works by, and Edited by, H. L. SIDNEY LEAR.

FOR DAYS AND YEARS. A Book containing a Text, Short Reading,
and Hymn for Every Day in the Church's Year. 16020. zs. 6d. Also a
Cheap Edition, yzmo. is. \ or cloth gilt, is. 6d.
FIVE MINUTES. Daily Readings of Poetry. i6mo. &. 6d. Also a

Cheap Edition, yzmo. is. ; or cloth gilt, is. 6d.
WEARINESS. A Book for the Languid and Lonely. Large Type.

Small 8vo. 5*.

THE LIGHT OF THE CONSCIENCE. i6mo. as. 6d. 321*10. is. ;
cloth limp, 6d.

Nine Vols. Croivn 8vo. y. 6d. each.
THE REVIVAL OF PRIESTLY LIFE
IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
IN FRANCE.
A CHRISTIAN PAINTER OF THE

NINETEENTH CENTURY.
BOSSUET AND HIS CONTEMPORA-
RIES.

FENELON, ARCHBISHOP OF CAM-

CHRISTIAN BIOGRAPHIES.

MADAME LOUISE DE FRANCE,
Daughter of Louis XV., known
also as the Mother Te"rese de
St. Augustin.

A DOMINICAN ARTIST : a Sketch of
the Life of the Rev. Pere Besson,
of the Order of St. Dominic.

HENRI PERREYVE. By A. GRATRY.

ST. FRJLNCIS DE SALES, Bishop and
Prince of Geneva.

BRAI.

HENRI DOMINIQUE LACORDAIRE.

DEVOTIONAL WORKS. Edited by H. L. SIDNEY LEAR. New and
Uniform Editions. Nine Vols. i6mo. 2s. 6d. each.

THE HIDDEN LIFE OF THE SOUL.
THE LIGHT OF THE CONSCIENCE.

FENELON'S SPIRITUAL LETTERS
TO MEN.

FENELON'S SPIRITUAL LETTERS
TO WOMEN.

A SELECTION FROM THE SPIRI-
TUAL LETTERS OF ST. FRANCIS
DE SALES.

THE SPIRIT OF ST. FRANCIS DE
SALES.

SELF-RENUNCIATION. From the
French.

ST. FRANCES DE SALES' OF THE
LOVE OF GOD.

SELECTIONS
THOUGHTS.

FROM PASCAL'S

Library of Spiritual Works for English Catholics. Original

Edition. With Red Borders. Small Svo. $s.each. New and Cheaper
Editions. j.6mo. 2s. 6d. each.
OF THE IMITATION OF

CHRIST.
THE SPIRITUAL COMBAT.

By LAURENCE SCUPOLI.
THE DEVOUT LIFE. By ST.

FRANCIS DE SALES.

By

OF THE LOVE OF GOD.

ST. FRANCIS DE SALES.
THE CONFESSIONS OF ST.

AUGUSTINE. In Ten Books.
THE CHRISTIAN YEAR. $s.

Edition only.

io A CATALOGUE OF WORKS

Liddon.— Works by HENRY PARRY LIDDON, D.D., D.C.L., LL.D.,
late Canon Residentiary and Chancellor of St. Paul's.

ESSAYS AND ADDRESSES : Lectures on Buddhism— Lectures on the

Life of St. Paul — Papers on Dante. Crown Svo. $s.
THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. Svo. [In the press.

SERMONS ON OLD TESTAMENT SUBJECTS. Crown Svo. 5*.
SERMONS ON SOME WORDS OF CHRIST. Crown Svo. $s.

THE DIVINITY OF OUR LORD AND SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST.
Being the Bampton Lectures for 1866. Crown Svo. 5*.

ADVENT IN ST. PAUL'S. Sermons bearing chiefly on the Twa
Comings of our Lord. Two Vols. Crown Svo. y. 6d. each. Cheap
Edition in one Volume. Crown Svo. $s.

CHRISTMASTIDE IN ST. PAUL'S. Sermons bearing chiefly on the
Birth of our Lord and the End of the Year. Crown Svo. 51.

PASSIONTIDE SERMONS. Crown Svo. $s.

EASTER IN ST. PAUL'S. Sermons bearing chiefly on the Resurrec-
tion of our Lord. Two Vols. Crown Svo. y. 6d. each. Cheap
Edition in one Volume. Crown Svo. 55.

SERMONS PREACHED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF
OXFORD. Two Vols. Crown Svo. y. 6d. each. Cheap Edition in
one Volume. Crown Svo. 55.

THE MAGNIFICAT. Sermons in St. Paul's. Crown Svo. zs. 6d.

SOME ELEMENTS OF RELIGION. Lent Lectures. Small Svo.
zs. bd. ', or in paper cover, is. 6d.

The Crown Svo Edition (5^.) may still le had.

SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF H. P. LIDDON, D.D.
Crown Svo. 3*. 6d.

MAXIMS AND GLEANINGS FROM THE WRITINGS OF H. P.
LIDDON, D.D. Selected and arranged by C. M. S. Crown 160*0. is.

DR. LIDDON'S TOUR IN EGYPT AND PALESTINE IN 1886.
Being Letters descriptive of the Tour, written by his Sister, Mrs. KING.
Crown Svo. 55.

Luckock.— Works by HERBERT MORTIMER LUCKOCK, D.D.,

Dean of Lichfield.

AFTER DEATH. An Examination of the Testimony of Primitive
Times respecting the State of the Faithful Dead, and their Relationship
to the Living. Crown Svo. 6s.

{continued.

IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 11

Luckock. — Works by HERBERT MORTIMER LUCKOCK, D.D.,
Dean of Lichfield — continued.

THE INTERMEDIATE STATE BETWEEN DEATH AND
JUDGMENT. Being a Sequel to After Death. Crown 8vo. 6s.

FOOTPRINTS OF THE SON OF. MAN, as traced by St. Mark. Being
Eighty Portions for Private Study, Family Reading, and Instruc-
tions in Church. Two Vols. Crown 8vo. izs. Cheap Edition in one
Vol. Crown 8vo. $s.

THE DIVINE LITURGY. Being the Order for Holy Communion,
Historically, Doctrinally, and Devotionally set forth, in Fifty Portions.
Crown 8vo. 6s.

STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF THE BOOK OF COMMON
PRAYER. The Anglican Reform— The Puritan Innovations— The
Elizabethan Reaction — The Caroline Settlement, With Appendices.
Crown 8vo. 6s.

THE BISHOPS IN THE TOWER. A Record of Stirring Events
affecting the Church and Nonconformists from the Restoration to the
Revolution. Crown 8vo. 6s.

LYRA GERM AN 1C A. Hymns translated from the German by
CATHERINE WINKWORTH. Small 8vo. 5*.

MacColL— CHRISTIANITY IN RELATION TO SCIENCE
AND MORALS. By the Rev. MALCOLM MACCOLL, M.A., Canon
Residentiary of Ripon. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Mason.— Works by A. J. MASON, D.D., Canon of Truro, formerly
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

THE FAITH OF THE GOSPEL. A Manual of Christian Doctrine.
Crown 8vo. y. 6d. Also a Large-Paper Edition for Marginal Notes.
4/0. i2s. 6d.

THE RELATION OF CONFIRMATION TO BAPTISM. As taught
in Holy Scripture and the Fathers. Crown 8vo. js. 6d.

Mercier.— OUR MOTHER CHURCH : Being Simple Talk
on High Topics. By Mrs. JEROME MERCIER. Small 8vo. $s. 6d.

Molesworth.— STORIES OF THE SAINTS FOR CHIL-
DREN : The Black Letter Saints. By Mrs. MOLESWORTH, Author
of 'The Palace in the Garden, ' etc. etc. With Illustrations. Royal
i6mo. S.T.

12 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS

Mozley.— Works by J. B. MOZLEY, D.D., late Canon of Christ

Church, and Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford.
ESSAYS, HISTORICAL AND THEOLOGICAL. TwoVols. 8vo. 24*.

EIGHT LECTURES ON MIRACLES. Being the Hampton Lectures
for 1865. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d.

RULING IDEAS IN EARLY AGES AND THEIR RELATION TO
OLD TESTAMENT FAITH. Lectures delivered to Graduates of
the University of Oxford. 8vo. IQS. 6d.

SERMONS PREACHED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF
OXFORD, and on Various Occasions. Crown 8vo. 7$. 6d.

SERMONS, PAROCHIAL AND OCCASIONAL. Crown 8vo. ys. 6d.

Mozley.— Works by the Rev. T. MOZLEY, M.A., Author
of 'Reminiscences of Oriel College and the Oxford
Movement.'

THE CREED OR A PHILOSOPHY. Crown 8vo. js. 6d.

THE WORD. Crown 8vo. 7*. 6d.

THE SON. Crown 8vo. ?s. 6d.

LETTERS FROM ROME ON THE OCCASION OF THE
OECUMENICAL COUNCIL 1869-1870. Two Vols. Cr. 8vo. i8s.

Newbolt.— Works by the Rev. W. C. E. NEWBOLT, M.A., Canon
and Chancellor of St. Paul's.

THE FRUIT OF THE SPIRIT. Being Ten Addresses bearing on

the Spiritual Life. Crown 8vo. ss. 6d.
THE MAN OF GOD. Being Six Addresses delivered during Lent at

the Primary Ordination of the Right Rev. the Lord Alwyne Compton,

D.D., Bishop of Ely. Small 8vo . is. 6d.

THE PRAYER BOOK : Its Voice and Teaching. Being Spiritual Ad-
dresses bearing on the Book of Common Prayer. Crown 8vo. 2S. 6d.

Newnham. — THE ALL-FATHER: Sermons preached in a
Village Church. By the Rev. H. P. NEWNHAM. With Preface by
EDNA LYALL. Crown 8vo. 4*. 6d.

Newnham.— ALRESFORD ESSAYS FOR THE TIMES. By
Rev. W. O. NEWNHAM, M.A., sometime Rector of Alresford. CON-
TENTS :— Bible Story of Creation— Bible Story of Eden— Bible Story of
the Deluge— After Death— Miracles : A Conversation— Eternal Punish-
ment— The Resurrection of the Body. Crown 8vo. 6s.

IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 13

Newman.— Works by JOHN HENRY NEWMAN, B.D., sometime
Vicar of St. Mary's, Oxford.

PAROCHIAL AND PLAIN SERMONS. Eight Vols. Cabinet Edition.
Crown 8vo. 55. each. Popular Edition, y. 6d. each.

SELECTION, ADAPTED TO THE SEASONS OF THE ECCLE-
SIASTICAL YEAR, from the 'Parochial and Plain Sermons.'
Cabinet Edition. Crown 8vo. 55. Popular Edition, "y. 6d.

FIFTEEN SERMONS PREACHED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY
OF OXFORD. Cabinet Edition. Crown 8vo. 55. Popular Edition.
y. 6d.

SERMONS BEARING UPON SUBJECTS OF THE DAY. Cabinet
Edition. Crown 8vo. $s. Popular Edition. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.

LECTURES ON THE DOCTRINE OF JUSTIFICATION. Cabinet
Edition. Crown 8vo. $s. Popular Edition. $s. 6d.

%* For other Works by Cardinal Newman, see Messrs. Longmans & Co.'s Catalogue
of Works in General Literature.

Osborne.— Works by EDWARD OSBORNE, Mission Priest of the
Society of St. John the Evangelist, Cowley, Oxford.

THE CHILDREN'S SAVIOUR. Instructions to Children on the Life
of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Illustrated. i6mo. 2s. 6d.

THE SAVIOUR-KING. Instructions to Children on Old Testament
Types and Illustrations of the Life of Christ. Illustrated. i6mo. 2s. 6d.

THE CHILDREN'S FAITH. Instructions to Children on the Apostles-
Creed. Illustrated. i6mo. 2s. 6d.

Oxenden.— Works by the Right Rev. ASHTON OXENDEN, for-
merly Bishop of Montreal.
PLAIN SERMONS. Crown Bvo.

THE HISTORY OF MY LIFE : An Autobiography. Crown 8vo. y.
PEACE AND ITS HINDRANCES. Crown 8vo. is. ; sewed, 2s., cloth.

THE PATHWAY OF SAFETY ; or, Counsel to .the Awakened. Feap.

8vo, large type. 2s. 6d. Cheap Edition. Small type, limp. is.
THE EARNEST COMMUNICANT. New Red Rubric Edition, yzmo,

cloth. 2s. Common Edition. 32^0, is.
OUR CHURCH AND HER SERVICES. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

{continued.

14 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS

Oxenden.— Works by the Right Rev. ASHTON OXENDEN,

formerly Bishop of Montreal — continued.

FAMILY PRAYERS FOR FOUR WEEKS. First Series. Fcap. Svo.
2s. 6d. Second Series. Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d.

LARGE TYPE EDITION. Two Series in one Volume. Crown Svo. 6s.
COTTAGE SERMONS ; or, Plain Words to the Poor. Fcap. Svo. zs. 6d.
THOUGHTS FOR HOLY WEEK. i6mo, cloth, is. 6d.
DECISION. iSmo. is. 6d.

THE HOME BEYOND ; or, A Happy Old Age. Fcap. Svo. is. 6d.
THE LABOURING MAN'S BOOK. 18010, large type, cloth, is. 6d.

Paget.— Works by FRANCIS PAGET, D.D., Dean of Christ Church,

Oxford.
THE SPIRIT OF DISCIPLINE : Sermons. Crown Svo. 6s. 6d.

FACULTIES AND DIFFICULTIES FOR BELIEF AND DIS-
BELIEF. Crown Svo. 6s. 6d.

THE HALLOWING OF WORK. Addresses given at Eton, January
16-18, 1888. Small Svo. 2s.

PRACTICAL REFLECTIONS. By a CLERGYMAN. With
Prefaces by H. P. LIDDON, D.D., D.C.L., and the Bishop of Lincoln.
Crown Svo.

THE HOLY GOSPELS. 4?. 6d. I THE PSALMS. 5*.

ACTS TO REVELATION. 6s. \ THE BOOK OF GENESIS. 4*. 6d.

PRIEST (THE) TO THE ALTAR; or, Aids to the Devout
Celebration of Holy Communion, chiefly after the Ancient English
Use of Sarum. Royal Svo. izs.

Pusey.— Works by the Rev. E. B. PUSEY, D.D.

PRIVATE PRAYERS. With Preface by H. P. LIDDON, D.D. 320*0. is.
PRAYERS FOR A YOUNG SCHOOLBOY. With a Preface by

H. P. LIDDON, D.D. 2477*0. is.
SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF EDWARD BOUVERIE

PUSEY, D.D. Crown Svo. y. 6d.
MAXIMS AND GLEANINGS FROM THE WRITINGS OF

EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY, D.D. Selected and Arranged for

Daily Use, By C. M. S. Crown i6mo. is.

Reynolds.— THE NATURAL HISTORY OF IMMORTALITY.
By the Rev. J. W. REYNOLDS, M.A., Prebendary of St. Paul's.
Crown Svo. 75. 6d.

IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 15

Sanday.— THE ORACLES OF GOD : Nine Lectures on the
Nature and Extent of Biblical Inspiration and the Special Significance
of the Old Testament Scriptures at the Present Time. By W.
SANDAY, M.A., D.D., LL.D., Dean Ireland's Professor of Exegesis
and Fellow of Exeter College. Crown 8vo. 45.

Seebohm.— THE OXFORD REFORMERS— JOHN COLET,

ERASMUS, AND THOMAS MORE : A History of their Fellow-
Work. By FREDERIC SEEBOHM. 8vo. 14?.

Stanton.— THE PLACE OF AUTHORITY IN MATTERS
OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF. By VINCENT HENRY STANTON, D.D.,
Fellow of Trinity Coll., Ely Prof, of Divinity, Cambridge. Cr. 8vo. 6s.

Stephen.— ESSAYS IN ECCLESIASTICAL BIOGRAPHY.

By the Right Hon. Sir J. STEPHEN. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d.

Swayne.— THE BLESSED DEAD IN PARADISE. Four
All Saints' Day Sermons, preached in Salisbury Cathedral. By R.
G. SWAYNE, M.A. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.

Tweddell.— THE SOUL IN CONFLICT. A Practical Exami-
nation of some Difficulties and Duties of the Spiritual Life. By
MARSHALL TWEDDELL, M.A., Vicar of St. Saviour, Paddington.
Crown 8vo. 6s.

Twells.— COLLOQUIES ON PREACHING. By HENRY

TWELLS, M.A., Honorary Canon of Peterborough. Crown 8vo. zs. 6d.

Welldon. — THE FUTURE AND THE PAST. Sermons
preached to Harrow Boys. By the Rev. J. E. C. WELLDON, M.A.,
Head Master of Harrow School. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d.

Williams.— Works by the Rev. ISAAC WILLIAMS, B.D.

A DEVOTIONAL COMMENTARY ON THE GOSPEL NARRA-
TIVE. Eight Vols. Crown 8vo. 5*. each. Sold separately.

THOUGHTS ON THE STUDY OF THE

HOLY GOSPELS.

THE HOLY WEEK.
A HARMONY OF THE FOUR GOSPELS.

OUR LORD'S NATIVITY.

OUR LORD'S MiNiSTRY(Second Year).

OUR LORD'S MINISTRY (Third Year).

OUR LORD'S PASSION.

OUR LORD'S RESURRECTION.

FEMALE CHARACTERS OF HOLY SCRIPTURE. A Series of
Sermons. Crown 8vo. $s.

THE CHARACTERS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. Crown 8vo. y.
THE APOCALYPSE. With Notes and Reflections. Crown 8vo. 55.
SERMONS ON THE EPISTLES AND GOSPELS FOR THE SUN-
DAYS AND HOLY DAYS. Two Voh. Crown 8vo. 55. each.

[continued.

1 6 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS

Williams.— Works by the Rev. ISAAC WILLIAMS, B.D.— continued.
PLAIN SERMONS ON CATECHISM. Two Vols. Cr. 8vo. 55. each.

SELECTIONS FROM ISAAC WILLIAMS' WRITINGS. Cr. 8vo.
35. 6d.

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF ISAAC WILLIAMS, B.D., Author of
several of the 'Tracts for the Times.' Edited by the Venerable Sir
GEORGE PREVOST, as throwing further light on the history of the
Oxford Movement. Crown 8vo. $s.

Woodford.— Works by J. R. WOODFORD, D.D., Bishop of Ely.

THE GREAT COMMISSION. Addresses on the Ordinal. Edited,
with an Introduction, by H. M. LUCKOCK, D.D. Crown 8vo. $s.

SERMONS ON OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT SUBJECTS.
Edited by H. M. LUCKOCK, D.D. Two Vols. Crown 8vo. $s. each.

Woodruff. — THE CHILDREN'S YEAR. Verses for the

Sundays and Holy Days throughout the Year. By C. H. WOODRUFF,
B.C.L. With an Introduction by the Lord Bishop of SOUTHWELL.
Fcap. 8vo. $s. 6d.

Wordsworth.

For List of Works by the late Christopher Wordsworth, D.D., Bishop of
Lincoln, see Messrs. Longmans & Co.'s Catalogue of Theological Works,
32 pp. Sent post free on application.

Wordsworth.— Works by ELIZABETH WORDSWORTH, Principal

of Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE CREED. Crown 8vo. $r.
THE DECALOGUE. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d.
ST. CHRISTOPHER AND OTHER POEMS. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Wordsworth.— Works by CHARLES WORDSWORTH, D.D., D.C.L.y
Lord Bishop of St. Andrews, and Fellow of Winchester
College.

ANNALS OF MY EARLY LIFE, 1806-1846. 8w. 15*.
PRIMARY WITNESS TO THE TRUTH OF THE GOSPEL, to
which is added a Charge on Modern Teaching on the Canon of the
Old Testament. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d.

Younghusband.— Works by FRANCES YOUNGHUSBAND.

THE STORY OF OUR LORD, told in Simple Language for Children.

With 25 Illustrations from Pictures by the Old Masters, Crown 8vo.

as. 6d.
THE STORY OF GENESIS, told in Simple Language for Children.

Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.

THE STORY pF THE EXODUS, told in Simple Language for
Children. With Map and 29 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to Her Majesty,

at the Edinburgh University Press.
10,003/3/93.

262.7
R732

ROSMINI SERBATH, ANTONIO

115444